Phanida
Mizzima News (www.mizzima.com)
January 21, 2008- Formed to highlight the brutal suppression of monks by the Burmese military junta in September, Burmese monks worldwide have set up 14 branches of the Sasana Moli International Burmese Monks Organization.
With over 300 members the 14 branches of the Sasana Moli, were formed in various countries including the European countries, Eastern and Western parts of the United States, England, Canada, Bangladesh, New Zealand, Australia, Taiwan, Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand, Sri Lanka and India.
U Pinya Wuntha, Chairman of the Sasana Moli International Burmese Monks Organization, which was formed on October 27, 2007 in Los Angeles, said the organization would chiefly work to highlight the situation in Burma, where flow of information is under the scrutiny of the authoritarian junta.
"In Burma , people live in the dark and do not have access to information. All they have to listen to is the Junta's propaganda and the international community is also cut-off from what is happening. So, we will serve as a window and tell the world what is going on in Burma," the Chairman said.
U Pinya Wuntha added that the organization was formed on the request of the people following the brutal suppression of the monk-led protests, when hundreds of Buddhist monks in Burma are believed to have disappeared.
According to the Chairman, the organization was formed with the aim to uplift the Buddhist religion, to publish and distribute religious publications, to protect the interests of the religion and to bridge the relationship with other religions and to spread love and peace to all the people in the world.
Tuesday, January 22, 2008
Sunday, January 20, 2008
Army of the Faithful: A Buddhist monk walks a fine line to protest crackdown in Myanmar
Winston-Salem Journal
Sun 20 Jan 2008
Sagaing, Myanmar - In one of his most talked-about lectures, Buddhist monk Ashin Nyanissara tells the legend of a king who ruled more than 2,500 years ago. The king believed that spitting on a hermit brought him good fortune.
At first, it worked like a charm, but before long his realm was annihilated under a rain of fire, spears and knives.
Today’s audiences easily find the hidden message: The assault by Myanmar’s military government on monks leading protests in the fall looks like a modern version of the ancient monarch’s abuse. And they hope that the ruling generals will suffer the same fate.
In the recent crackdown, many monks were beaten and defrocked in prison. Human-rights activists say that several monks were among the 31 people the United Nations says were killed by the government.
It was a traumatic wound to a mainly Buddhist society, one that forced a lot of soul searching among people who practice one of the oldest forms of the religion, which emphasizes critical thought and reasoning over blind faith.
The stern-faced Nyanissara, a 70-year-old monk in owlish glasses and a maroon robe, is able to stare down generals with chests full of medals by stepping carefully through the minefield that makes free speech lethal here.
Shielding himself with allegory, he crisscrosses the country giving lectures that draw on history and legend to remind people that rotten regimes have fallen before. As the generals try to crush the last remnants of resistance, he is cautiously keeping the fire alive.
But he knows it isn’t the first time in 45 years of military rule that the government has attacked monks who challenged its absolute authority. In at least four previous crackdowns, dating to 1965, the military rounded up thousands of monks, killing some, defrocking others, while closing monasteries and seizing property.
Each time, the brutal repression outraged many people, but in the end they felt powerless to do anything about it, the crises passed and the generals continued to oppress with an iron fist.
It’s the nature of any government’s leaders to “strongly test their political power. They don’t want to lose it,” he said in a recent interview at the International Buddhist Academy, which he founded in this riverside town with forested hills that the faithful believe Buddha walked on his path to enlightenment. “But in any faith, when politics and religion come into competition, religious leaders always defeat anything. Religion is the leader. Jesus Christ was killed, but which was more powerful? Religion or politics?”
The institute sits in a valley beneath the Sagaing Hills, where hundreds of golden spires, called “stupas,” rise like spiritual beacons from monasteries and pagodas that dot the hillsides, 12 miles southwest of Mandalay.
The first monks to demonstrate against the government last year took to the streets in Pakokku, 60 miles southwest of Sagaing.
Still trapped in the latest cycle of political turmoil, many of Myanmar’s people are looking to Nyanissara for more than spiritual guidance.
At midday recently, he had just returned from speaking to hundreds of the faithful in a village pagoda and was hurrying to leave for an afternoon lecture, a daily routine that keeps him on the move to meet the demand for his wisdom.
Barefoot in a corridor of the university where student monks and nuns are trained for missionary work, Nyanissara ran a disposable razor over his tonsured head and down across his face and neck, removing the faintest midday stubble as he spoke.
Then, flanked by young aides and walking as straight and sure-footed as a man half his age, Nyanissara got into his black sport utility vehicle, which sped on a 110-mile journey to his next stop.
He draws large, rapt audiences wherever he goes, whether they are poor villagers crowded into small monasteries or city residents sitting in orderly rows on a side street.
On a recent night, a few thousand people filled a street in Yangon, Myanmar’s largest city, sitting quietly as they waited for Nyanissara to arrive.
When he emerged from his SUV, people bowed their heads to the ground as he made his way to a stage, where he sat cross-legged on a gilded chair as big as a throne.
In large public gatherings such as these, when the generals’ spies lurk in the audience and listen for any hint of trouble, his lectures often are built around the same lesson: Cruel rulers create bad karma. And they will suffer for what they have done.
That’s a moral not easily shrugged off by a government whose leader, Senior Gen. Than Shwe, is intensely superstitious: He consults astrologers to make important decisions.
The ruling generals also churn out propaganda images portraying themselves as devoted Buddhists, receiving the blessing of sympathetic monks. If their faith is true, they know their actions will determine their next life in reincarnation’s endless cycle of death and rebirth.
“They have to be afraid they’ll be coming back as cockroaches,” wisecracked one Western envoy.
Several of Nyanissara’s lectures have been burned onto DVDs, with titles including “Last Days of Empire.” The generals have arrested people caught selling them, but they are still widely available across Myanmar, also known as Burma.
To most people here, the pain of seeing monks beaten up in the streets is more than just an insult to religious faith. To many, it’s as if the military had harmed their own family, and the anger does not ease quickly.
Almost any Buddhist with a son has watched with pride as his head is shaved to make him a novice monk in an initiation ceremony called shin-pyu, a moment as life-defining as a baptism, christening or bar mitzvah.
It is a religious duty for Buddhist boys to become novice monks from 7, and most in Myanmar answer the calling, Nyanissara said.
Nyanissara said that the region surrounding Sagaing is now home to one out of every 10 of Myanmar’s 400,000 monks, robed legions that listen carefully to his lectures to see the right path ahead.
“It’s a very big army,” Nyanissara said, and he laughed a little. But he wasn’t smiling.
Sun 20 Jan 2008
Sagaing, Myanmar - In one of his most talked-about lectures, Buddhist monk Ashin Nyanissara tells the legend of a king who ruled more than 2,500 years ago. The king believed that spitting on a hermit brought him good fortune.
At first, it worked like a charm, but before long his realm was annihilated under a rain of fire, spears and knives.
Today’s audiences easily find the hidden message: The assault by Myanmar’s military government on monks leading protests in the fall looks like a modern version of the ancient monarch’s abuse. And they hope that the ruling generals will suffer the same fate.
In the recent crackdown, many monks were beaten and defrocked in prison. Human-rights activists say that several monks were among the 31 people the United Nations says were killed by the government.
It was a traumatic wound to a mainly Buddhist society, one that forced a lot of soul searching among people who practice one of the oldest forms of the religion, which emphasizes critical thought and reasoning over blind faith.
The stern-faced Nyanissara, a 70-year-old monk in owlish glasses and a maroon robe, is able to stare down generals with chests full of medals by stepping carefully through the minefield that makes free speech lethal here.
Shielding himself with allegory, he crisscrosses the country giving lectures that draw on history and legend to remind people that rotten regimes have fallen before. As the generals try to crush the last remnants of resistance, he is cautiously keeping the fire alive.
But he knows it isn’t the first time in 45 years of military rule that the government has attacked monks who challenged its absolute authority. In at least four previous crackdowns, dating to 1965, the military rounded up thousands of monks, killing some, defrocking others, while closing monasteries and seizing property.
Each time, the brutal repression outraged many people, but in the end they felt powerless to do anything about it, the crises passed and the generals continued to oppress with an iron fist.
It’s the nature of any government’s leaders to “strongly test their political power. They don’t want to lose it,” he said in a recent interview at the International Buddhist Academy, which he founded in this riverside town with forested hills that the faithful believe Buddha walked on his path to enlightenment. “But in any faith, when politics and religion come into competition, religious leaders always defeat anything. Religion is the leader. Jesus Christ was killed, but which was more powerful? Religion or politics?”
The institute sits in a valley beneath the Sagaing Hills, where hundreds of golden spires, called “stupas,” rise like spiritual beacons from monasteries and pagodas that dot the hillsides, 12 miles southwest of Mandalay.
The first monks to demonstrate against the government last year took to the streets in Pakokku, 60 miles southwest of Sagaing.
Still trapped in the latest cycle of political turmoil, many of Myanmar’s people are looking to Nyanissara for more than spiritual guidance.
At midday recently, he had just returned from speaking to hundreds of the faithful in a village pagoda and was hurrying to leave for an afternoon lecture, a daily routine that keeps him on the move to meet the demand for his wisdom.
Barefoot in a corridor of the university where student monks and nuns are trained for missionary work, Nyanissara ran a disposable razor over his tonsured head and down across his face and neck, removing the faintest midday stubble as he spoke.
Then, flanked by young aides and walking as straight and sure-footed as a man half his age, Nyanissara got into his black sport utility vehicle, which sped on a 110-mile journey to his next stop.
He draws large, rapt audiences wherever he goes, whether they are poor villagers crowded into small monasteries or city residents sitting in orderly rows on a side street.
On a recent night, a few thousand people filled a street in Yangon, Myanmar’s largest city, sitting quietly as they waited for Nyanissara to arrive.
When he emerged from his SUV, people bowed their heads to the ground as he made his way to a stage, where he sat cross-legged on a gilded chair as big as a throne.
In large public gatherings such as these, when the generals’ spies lurk in the audience and listen for any hint of trouble, his lectures often are built around the same lesson: Cruel rulers create bad karma. And they will suffer for what they have done.
That’s a moral not easily shrugged off by a government whose leader, Senior Gen. Than Shwe, is intensely superstitious: He consults astrologers to make important decisions.
The ruling generals also churn out propaganda images portraying themselves as devoted Buddhists, receiving the blessing of sympathetic monks. If their faith is true, they know their actions will determine their next life in reincarnation’s endless cycle of death and rebirth.
“They have to be afraid they’ll be coming back as cockroaches,” wisecracked one Western envoy.
Several of Nyanissara’s lectures have been burned onto DVDs, with titles including “Last Days of Empire.” The generals have arrested people caught selling them, but they are still widely available across Myanmar, also known as Burma.
To most people here, the pain of seeing monks beaten up in the streets is more than just an insult to religious faith. To many, it’s as if the military had harmed their own family, and the anger does not ease quickly.
Almost any Buddhist with a son has watched with pride as his head is shaved to make him a novice monk in an initiation ceremony called shin-pyu, a moment as life-defining as a baptism, christening or bar mitzvah.
It is a religious duty for Buddhist boys to become novice monks from 7, and most in Myanmar answer the calling, Nyanissara said.
Nyanissara said that the region surrounding Sagaing is now home to one out of every 10 of Myanmar’s 400,000 monks, robed legions that listen carefully to his lectures to see the right path ahead.
“It’s a very big army,” Nyanissara said, and he laughed a little. But he wasn’t smiling.
Wednesday, January 16, 2008
Monks want Suu Kyi and junta to meet
Bangkok Post
Jan 16, 2008
ACHARA ASHAYAGACHAT
Burmese monks living abroad yesterday called on international leaders to back their demand for an immediate meeting between Burma's military junta and opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. They said the United Nations-led reconciliation effort was too slow in its efforts to bring about such a desired meeting.
''We cannot just keep hoping for a dialogue between the military and Aung San Suu Kyi to bear fruit and just wait for the slow process led by the UN to shed some results,'' Uttara, a member of the International Burmese Monks Organisation, said in Bangkok.
Change in Burma could not wait for the UN process, which was hampered by bureaucracy and diplomatic manoeuvring.
''Ibrahim Gambari, the UN special envoy for Burma, has to wait for visa approval before entering Burma,'' Uttara said. ''To get any desirable and quick result out of the Security Council, member countries have to agree with one another, which is not easy.
''The chance has come to us and we have to accept our role to bring peace to Burma.''
Uttara, who is based in London, and Pannya Vamsa, from Penang, are on a global tour, which includes Indonesia, Japan, India, Europe and the United States to garner support for their mission.
They helped set up the International Burmese Monks Organisation in Los Angeles in October after monks in Burma were killed in street protests last year.
The two monks are setting up a chapter in Thailand this week after meeting several monks who fled Burma during the bloody crackdown and are now living in exile in Thailand.
Pannya Vamsa, 80, said support from neighbouring countries was vital if democracy was to be restored in his country.
Uttara, 58, expressed concern for the safety of monks and nuns, saying he had learned over 2,000 of them went missing during the junta's suppression drive. The figures could not be confirmed because of the difficulty in accessing the monasteries. He said there were only a few dozen monks still in temples there.
Jan 16, 2008
ACHARA ASHAYAGACHAT
Burmese monks living abroad yesterday called on international leaders to back their demand for an immediate meeting between Burma's military junta and opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. They said the United Nations-led reconciliation effort was too slow in its efforts to bring about such a desired meeting.
''We cannot just keep hoping for a dialogue between the military and Aung San Suu Kyi to bear fruit and just wait for the slow process led by the UN to shed some results,'' Uttara, a member of the International Burmese Monks Organisation, said in Bangkok.
Change in Burma could not wait for the UN process, which was hampered by bureaucracy and diplomatic manoeuvring.
''Ibrahim Gambari, the UN special envoy for Burma, has to wait for visa approval before entering Burma,'' Uttara said. ''To get any desirable and quick result out of the Security Council, member countries have to agree with one another, which is not easy.
''The chance has come to us and we have to accept our role to bring peace to Burma.''
Uttara, who is based in London, and Pannya Vamsa, from Penang, are on a global tour, which includes Indonesia, Japan, India, Europe and the United States to garner support for their mission.
They helped set up the International Burmese Monks Organisation in Los Angeles in October after monks in Burma were killed in street protests last year.
The two monks are setting up a chapter in Thailand this week after meeting several monks who fled Burma during the bloody crackdown and are now living in exile in Thailand.
Pannya Vamsa, 80, said support from neighbouring countries was vital if democracy was to be restored in his country.
Uttara, 58, expressed concern for the safety of monks and nuns, saying he had learned over 2,000 of them went missing during the junta's suppression drive. The figures could not be confirmed because of the difficulty in accessing the monasteries. He said there were only a few dozen monks still in temples there.
Tuesday, January 15, 2008
ေက်ာက္ပန္းေတာင္းသံဃာေတာ္မ်ား ကုလသမဂၢႏွင့္ ႏိုင္ငံေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားကို ပန္ၾကား
Irrawaddy
ကိုသက္ | ဇန္နဝါရီ ၁၅၊ ၂၀၀၈
ကမာၻ႔ကုလသမဂၢႏွင့္ ႏိုင္ငံတကာေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားအား ျမန္မာ့အေရးကို ဝိုင္းဝန္းကူညီၾကရန္ မေကြးတိုင္း ေက်ာက္ပန္းေတာင္းၿမိဳ႕ရွိ သံဃာ့သမဂၢီတပ္ေပါင္းစုက ပန္ၾကားလႊာတေစာင္ ထုတ္ျပန္လိုက္သည္။
အဆိုပါပန္ၾကားလႊာကို ေက်ာက္ပန္းေတာင္း သံဃာ့သမဂၢီတပ္ေပါင္းစုက ယခုလ ၁၂ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ ထုတ္ျပန္ထားၿပီး သာသနာေတာ္ကို ေစာင့္ေရွာက္ေနၾကသည့္ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ ဘုန္းေတာ္ႀကီးမ်ားအား ဖမ္းဆီး ႏွိပ္စက္ျခင္း၊ ရဲဘက္စခန္းမ်ားသို႔ပို႔ျခင္း အတင္းအဓမၼလူဝတ္လဲျခင္း၊ စာသင္တိုက္မ်ားကို ခ်ိတ္ပိတ္ျခင္း၊ တရားပြဲမ်ားကို ပိတ္ပင္ျခင္းႏွင့္ တရားေခြမ်ား ျဖန္႔ေ၀ခြင့္ပိတ္ပင္ျခင္း အစရွိသည့္ စစ္အစိုးရ၏လုပ္ရပ္မ်ားသည္ ဗုဒၶသာသနာကို ဖ်က္ဆီးေနျခင္းျဖစ္သည္ဟု ၎တို႔ကယံုၾကည္ေၾကာင္း ေရးသားထားသည္။
အဆိုပါပန္ၾကားလႊာကို ေက်ာက္ပန္းေတာင္းၿမိဳ႕ေပၚစာသင္တိုက္မ်ားႏွင့္ ဘုန္းေတာ္ႀကီးေက်ာင္းမ်ားရွိ သံဃာမ်ား ညွိႏိႈင္းကာ ထုတ္ျပန္ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္ဟု ေက်ာက္ပန္းေတာင္း သံဃာ့သမဂၢီတပ္ေပါင္းစု၏ သံဃာတပါးက ဧရာ၀တီကို ေျပာသည္။
“အေျခအေနက ဘာမွလုပ္လို႔မရေသးေပမယ့္ တခုခုလုပ္ခ်င္တဲ့ သံဃာေတြရွိေနတယ္။ စိတ္ဆႏၵေတြ ရွိေနေသးတယ္ဆိုတာ ျပခ်င္လို႔ ကုလသမဂၢနဲ႔ ႏိုင္ငံေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြကို စာထုတ္ေတာင္းဆိုထားတာ။ ေလာေလာဆယ္ေတာ့ သံဃာေတြအားလံုးက အေျခအေနကိုေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေနၾကတယ္” ဟု ေက်ာက္ပန္းေတာင္း သံဃာ့သမဂၢီတပ္ေပါင္းစု၏ သံဃာက ေျပာသည္။
ေက်ာက္ပန္းေတာင္းရွိ သံဃာမ်ားသည္ နအဖ စက္တင္ဘာလ ၁၈ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ စစ္အစိုးရအား ပတၱနိကၠဳဇၨနကံ ေဆာင္ခဲ့ၾကၿပီး ယခုအခ်ိန္အထိ ကံေဆာင္ထားဆဲျဖစ္သည္ဟုလည္း ေက်ာက္ပန္းေတာင္း သံဃာ့သမဂၢီ တပ္ေပါင္းစု သံဃာက ေျပာသည္။
စက္တင္ဘာလ ၅ ရက္ေန႔က မေကြးတိုင္း ပခုကၠဴၿမိဳ႕ရွိ သံဃာအပါး ၅၀၀ ခန္႔ ေမတၱာပို႔လမ္းေလွ်ာက္ရာ အာဏာပိုင္တို႔က အၾကမ္းဖက္ၿဖိဳခြဲေသာေၾကာင့္ ယင္းလ ၁၈ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ ႏိုင္ငံအဝန္းရွိ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားက စစ္အစိုးရအား ပတၱနိကၠဳဇၨနကံေဆာင္ သပိတ္ေမွာက္ခဲ့ၾကသည္။
ေက်ာက္ပန္းေတာင္းၿမိဳ႕တြင္ စစ္အစိုးရကျပဳလုပ္ေပးသည့္ သံဃာစာေမးပြဲကို ယခုႏွစ္၀င္ေရာက္ေျဖဆိုမည့္ သံဃာဦးေရလည္း ထက္၀က္ေက်ာ္ ေလ်ာ့က်သြားေၾကာင္း စံုစမ္းသိရွိရသည္။
ကိုသက္ | ဇန္နဝါရီ ၁၅၊ ၂၀၀၈
ကမာၻ႔ကုလသမဂၢႏွင့္ ႏိုင္ငံတကာေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားအား ျမန္မာ့အေရးကို ဝိုင္းဝန္းကူညီၾကရန္ မေကြးတိုင္း ေက်ာက္ပန္းေတာင္းၿမိဳ႕ရွိ သံဃာ့သမဂၢီတပ္ေပါင္းစုက ပန္ၾကားလႊာတေစာင္ ထုတ္ျပန္လိုက္သည္။
အဆိုပါပန္ၾကားလႊာကို ေက်ာက္ပန္းေတာင္း သံဃာ့သမဂၢီတပ္ေပါင္းစုက ယခုလ ၁၂ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ ထုတ္ျပန္ထားၿပီး သာသနာေတာ္ကို ေစာင့္ေရွာက္ေနၾကသည့္ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ ဘုန္းေတာ္ႀကီးမ်ားအား ဖမ္းဆီး ႏွိပ္စက္ျခင္း၊ ရဲဘက္စခန္းမ်ားသို႔ပို႔ျခင္း အတင္းအဓမၼလူဝတ္လဲျခင္း၊ စာသင္တိုက္မ်ားကို ခ်ိတ္ပိတ္ျခင္း၊ တရားပြဲမ်ားကို ပိတ္ပင္ျခင္းႏွင့္ တရားေခြမ်ား ျဖန္႔ေ၀ခြင့္ပိတ္ပင္ျခင္း အစရွိသည့္ စစ္အစိုးရ၏လုပ္ရပ္မ်ားသည္ ဗုဒၶသာသနာကို ဖ်က္ဆီးေနျခင္းျဖစ္သည္ဟု ၎တို႔ကယံုၾကည္ေၾကာင္း ေရးသားထားသည္။
အဆိုပါပန္ၾကားလႊာကို ေက်ာက္ပန္းေတာင္းၿမိဳ႕ေပၚစာသင္တိုက္မ်ားႏွင့္ ဘုန္းေတာ္ႀကီးေက်ာင္းမ်ားရွိ သံဃာမ်ား ညွိႏိႈင္းကာ ထုတ္ျပန္ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္ဟု ေက်ာက္ပန္းေတာင္း သံဃာ့သမဂၢီတပ္ေပါင္းစု၏ သံဃာတပါးက ဧရာ၀တီကို ေျပာသည္။
“အေျခအေနက ဘာမွလုပ္လို႔မရေသးေပမယ့္ တခုခုလုပ္ခ်င္တဲ့ သံဃာေတြရွိေနတယ္။ စိတ္ဆႏၵေတြ ရွိေနေသးတယ္ဆိုတာ ျပခ်င္လို႔ ကုလသမဂၢနဲ႔ ႏိုင္ငံေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြကို စာထုတ္ေတာင္းဆိုထားတာ။ ေလာေလာဆယ္ေတာ့ သံဃာေတြအားလံုးက အေျခအေနကိုေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေနၾကတယ္” ဟု ေက်ာက္ပန္းေတာင္း သံဃာ့သမဂၢီတပ္ေပါင္းစု၏ သံဃာက ေျပာသည္။
ေက်ာက္ပန္းေတာင္းရွိ သံဃာမ်ားသည္ နအဖ စက္တင္ဘာလ ၁၈ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ စစ္အစိုးရအား ပတၱနိကၠဳဇၨနကံ ေဆာင္ခဲ့ၾကၿပီး ယခုအခ်ိန္အထိ ကံေဆာင္ထားဆဲျဖစ္သည္ဟုလည္း ေက်ာက္ပန္းေတာင္း သံဃာ့သမဂၢီ တပ္ေပါင္းစု သံဃာက ေျပာသည္။
စက္တင္ဘာလ ၅ ရက္ေန႔က မေကြးတိုင္း ပခုကၠဴၿမိဳ႕ရွိ သံဃာအပါး ၅၀၀ ခန္႔ ေမတၱာပို႔လမ္းေလွ်ာက္ရာ အာဏာပိုင္တို႔က အၾကမ္းဖက္ၿဖိဳခြဲေသာေၾကာင့္ ယင္းလ ၁၈ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ ႏိုင္ငံအဝန္းရွိ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားက စစ္အစိုးရအား ပတၱနိကၠဳဇၨနကံေဆာင္ သပိတ္ေမွာက္ခဲ့ၾကသည္။
ေက်ာက္ပန္းေတာင္းၿမိဳ႕တြင္ စစ္အစိုးရကျပဳလုပ္ေပးသည့္ သံဃာစာေမးပြဲကို ယခုႏွစ္၀င္ေရာက္ေျဖဆိုမည့္ သံဃာဦးေရလည္း ထက္၀က္ေက်ာ္ ေလ်ာ့က်သြားေၾကာင္း စံုစမ္းသိရွိရသည္။
Monday, January 14, 2008
Monk’s words stir the spirit of Myanmar’s resistance
Los Angeles Times
Paul Watson
Mon 14 Jan 2008
Cloaked in allegory and drawing on history, his lectures give Buddhists hope after a bloody crackdown by generals.
Sagaing, Myanmar — In one of his most talked-about lectures, Buddhist monk Ashin Nyanissara tells the legend of a king who ruled more than 2,500 years ago. The king believed that spitting on a hermit brought him good fortune.
At first, it worked like a charm, but before long his realm was annihilated under a rain of fire, spears and knives.
Today’s audiences easily find the hidden message: The assault by Myanmar’s military government on monks leading protests last fall looks like a modern version of the ancient monarch’s abuse. And they hope the ruling generals will suffer the same fate.
In the recent crackdown, many monks were beaten and defrocked in prison. Human rights activists say several monks were among the 31 people the United Nations says were killed by the government.
It was a traumatic wound to a mainly Buddhist society, one that forced a lot of soul searching among people who practice one of the oldest forms of the religion, which emphasizes critical thought and reasoning over blind faith.
The stern-faced Nyanissara, a 70-year-old monk in owlish glasses and a maroon robe, is able to stare down generals with chests full of medals by stepping carefully through the minefield that makes free speech lethal here.
Shielding himself with allegory, he crisscrosses the country giving lectures that draw on history and legend to remind people that rotten regimes have fallen before. As the generals try to crush the last remnants of resistance, he is cautiously keeping the fire alive.
But he knows it isn’t the first time in 45 years of military rule that the government has attacked monks who challenged its absolute authority. In at least four previous crackdowns, dating back to 1965, the military rounded up thousands of monks, killing some, defrocking others, while closing monasteries and seizing property.
Each time, the brutal repression outraged many people, but in the end they felt powerless to do anything about it, the crises passed, and the generals continued to oppress with an iron fist.
It’s the nature of any government’s leaders to “strongly test their political power. They don’t want to lose it,” he said in a recent interview at the International Buddhist Academy, which he founded in this riverside town whose forested hills the faithful believe Buddha walked on his path to enlightenment.
“But in any faith, when politics and religion come into competition, religious leaders always defeat anything. Religion is the leader. Jesus Christ was killed, but which was more powerful? Religion or politics?”
The institute sits in a valley beneath the Sagaing Hills, where hundreds of golden spires, called stupas, rise like spiritual beacons from monasteries and pagodas that dot the hillsides, 12 miles southwest of Mandalay.
The first monks to demonstrate against the government last year took to the streets in Pakokku, 60 miles southwest of Sagaing.
Still trapped in the latest cycle of political turmoil, many of Myanmar’s people are looking to Nyanissara for more than spiritual guidance.
At midday recently, he had just returned from addressing hundreds of the faithful in a village pagoda and was hurrying to leave for an afternoon lecture, a daily routine that keeps him constantly on the move to meet the demand for his wisdom.
Barefoot in a corridor of the university where student monks and nuns are trained for missionary work, the monk ran a disposable razor over his tonsured head and down across his face and neck, removing the faintest midday stubble as he spoke.
Then, flanked by young aides and walking as straight and sure-footed as a man half his age, the monk got into his black sport utility vehicle, which sped on a 110-mile journey to his next stop.
Nyanissara draws large, rapt audiences wherever he goes, whether they are poor villagers crowded into small monasteries or city residents sitting in orderly rows on a side street.
On a recent night, a few thousand people filled a street in Yangon, Myanmar’s largest city, sitting quietly as they waited for the monk to arrive.
When he emerged from his SUV, people bowed their heads to the ground as he made his way to a stage, where he sat cross-legged on a gilded chair as big as a throne.
In large public gatherings such as these, when the generals’ spies lurk in the audience and listen for any hint of trouble, his lectures are often built around the same lesson: Cruel rulers create bad karma. And they will suffer for what they have done.
That’s a moral not easily shrugged off by a government whose leader, Senior Gen. Than Shwe, is intensely superstitious: He consults astrologers to make important decisions.
The ruling generals also churn out propaganda images portraying themselves as devoted Buddhists, receiving the blessing of sympathetic monks. If their faith is true, they know their actions will determine their next life in reincarnation’s endless cycle of death and rebirth.
“They have to be afraid they’ll be coming back as cockroaches,” wisecracked one Western envoy.
Several of Nyanissara’s lectures have been burned onto DVDs, with titles such as “Last Days of Empire.” The generals have arrested people caught selling them, but they are still widely available across Myanmar, also known as Burma.
“The DVDs are very popular,” the Western diplomat said. “A lot of people have mentioned watching them, or knowing of them.”
To most people here, the pain of seeing monks beaten up in the streets is more than just an insult to religious faith. To many, it’s as if the military had harmed their own family, and the anger does not ease quickly.
Almost any Buddhist with a son has watched with pride as his head is shaved to make him a novice monk in an initiation ceremony called shin-pyu, a moment as life-defining as a baptism, christening or bar mitzvah.
It is a religious duty for Buddhist boys to become novice monks from age 7, and most in Myanmar answer the calling, Nyanissara said.
Just as Buddha left his own family to seek enlightenment, they live in a monastery for a few weeks, during which they are allowed to have only eight possessions: a robe, a belt, footwear, a razor, an umbrella, a glass for water, a begging bowl and a filter to make sure no living thing slips into their food to be eaten.
“They learn morality and how to pay respect to their elders, and Buddhist monks too,” said U Kondala, abbot of a monastery with a library of 16th century copies of Buddha’s laws and philosophy, handwritten on palm fronds folded like Chinese fans. “After understanding the ways of the Buddha, they are more polite and clever, and consider the welfare of other people.”
Novices return to normal life with a profound respect for monks who were their teachers. When thousands joined protest marches last fall, their chants gave comfort to people who had known them since childhood.
“All of the monks who came out of the monasteries into the streets only recited verses from the teachings of the Buddha,” Kondala said. “The people are suffering, they are getting poorer and poorer, so the monks wanted to protect them against any danger.”
Nyanissara said the region surrounding Sagaing is now home to one out of every 10 of Myanmar’s 400,000 monks, robed legions that listen carefully to his lectures to see the right path ahead.
“It’s a very big army,” the monk said, and he laughed a little. But he wasn’t smiling
Paul Watson
Mon 14 Jan 2008
Cloaked in allegory and drawing on history, his lectures give Buddhists hope after a bloody crackdown by generals.
Sagaing, Myanmar — In one of his most talked-about lectures, Buddhist monk Ashin Nyanissara tells the legend of a king who ruled more than 2,500 years ago. The king believed that spitting on a hermit brought him good fortune.
At first, it worked like a charm, but before long his realm was annihilated under a rain of fire, spears and knives.
Today’s audiences easily find the hidden message: The assault by Myanmar’s military government on monks leading protests last fall looks like a modern version of the ancient monarch’s abuse. And they hope the ruling generals will suffer the same fate.
In the recent crackdown, many monks were beaten and defrocked in prison. Human rights activists say several monks were among the 31 people the United Nations says were killed by the government.
It was a traumatic wound to a mainly Buddhist society, one that forced a lot of soul searching among people who practice one of the oldest forms of the religion, which emphasizes critical thought and reasoning over blind faith.
The stern-faced Nyanissara, a 70-year-old monk in owlish glasses and a maroon robe, is able to stare down generals with chests full of medals by stepping carefully through the minefield that makes free speech lethal here.
Shielding himself with allegory, he crisscrosses the country giving lectures that draw on history and legend to remind people that rotten regimes have fallen before. As the generals try to crush the last remnants of resistance, he is cautiously keeping the fire alive.
But he knows it isn’t the first time in 45 years of military rule that the government has attacked monks who challenged its absolute authority. In at least four previous crackdowns, dating back to 1965, the military rounded up thousands of monks, killing some, defrocking others, while closing monasteries and seizing property.
Each time, the brutal repression outraged many people, but in the end they felt powerless to do anything about it, the crises passed, and the generals continued to oppress with an iron fist.
It’s the nature of any government’s leaders to “strongly test their political power. They don’t want to lose it,” he said in a recent interview at the International Buddhist Academy, which he founded in this riverside town whose forested hills the faithful believe Buddha walked on his path to enlightenment.
“But in any faith, when politics and religion come into competition, religious leaders always defeat anything. Religion is the leader. Jesus Christ was killed, but which was more powerful? Religion or politics?”
The institute sits in a valley beneath the Sagaing Hills, where hundreds of golden spires, called stupas, rise like spiritual beacons from monasteries and pagodas that dot the hillsides, 12 miles southwest of Mandalay.
The first monks to demonstrate against the government last year took to the streets in Pakokku, 60 miles southwest of Sagaing.
Still trapped in the latest cycle of political turmoil, many of Myanmar’s people are looking to Nyanissara for more than spiritual guidance.
At midday recently, he had just returned from addressing hundreds of the faithful in a village pagoda and was hurrying to leave for an afternoon lecture, a daily routine that keeps him constantly on the move to meet the demand for his wisdom.
Barefoot in a corridor of the university where student monks and nuns are trained for missionary work, the monk ran a disposable razor over his tonsured head and down across his face and neck, removing the faintest midday stubble as he spoke.
Then, flanked by young aides and walking as straight and sure-footed as a man half his age, the monk got into his black sport utility vehicle, which sped on a 110-mile journey to his next stop.
Nyanissara draws large, rapt audiences wherever he goes, whether they are poor villagers crowded into small monasteries or city residents sitting in orderly rows on a side street.
On a recent night, a few thousand people filled a street in Yangon, Myanmar’s largest city, sitting quietly as they waited for the monk to arrive.
When he emerged from his SUV, people bowed their heads to the ground as he made his way to a stage, where he sat cross-legged on a gilded chair as big as a throne.
In large public gatherings such as these, when the generals’ spies lurk in the audience and listen for any hint of trouble, his lectures are often built around the same lesson: Cruel rulers create bad karma. And they will suffer for what they have done.
That’s a moral not easily shrugged off by a government whose leader, Senior Gen. Than Shwe, is intensely superstitious: He consults astrologers to make important decisions.
The ruling generals also churn out propaganda images portraying themselves as devoted Buddhists, receiving the blessing of sympathetic monks. If their faith is true, they know their actions will determine their next life in reincarnation’s endless cycle of death and rebirth.
“They have to be afraid they’ll be coming back as cockroaches,” wisecracked one Western envoy.
Several of Nyanissara’s lectures have been burned onto DVDs, with titles such as “Last Days of Empire.” The generals have arrested people caught selling them, but they are still widely available across Myanmar, also known as Burma.
“The DVDs are very popular,” the Western diplomat said. “A lot of people have mentioned watching them, or knowing of them.”
To most people here, the pain of seeing monks beaten up in the streets is more than just an insult to religious faith. To many, it’s as if the military had harmed their own family, and the anger does not ease quickly.
Almost any Buddhist with a son has watched with pride as his head is shaved to make him a novice monk in an initiation ceremony called shin-pyu, a moment as life-defining as a baptism, christening or bar mitzvah.
It is a religious duty for Buddhist boys to become novice monks from age 7, and most in Myanmar answer the calling, Nyanissara said.
Just as Buddha left his own family to seek enlightenment, they live in a monastery for a few weeks, during which they are allowed to have only eight possessions: a robe, a belt, footwear, a razor, an umbrella, a glass for water, a begging bowl and a filter to make sure no living thing slips into their food to be eaten.
“They learn morality and how to pay respect to their elders, and Buddhist monks too,” said U Kondala, abbot of a monastery with a library of 16th century copies of Buddha’s laws and philosophy, handwritten on palm fronds folded like Chinese fans. “After understanding the ways of the Buddha, they are more polite and clever, and consider the welfare of other people.”
Novices return to normal life with a profound respect for monks who were their teachers. When thousands joined protest marches last fall, their chants gave comfort to people who had known them since childhood.
“All of the monks who came out of the monasteries into the streets only recited verses from the teachings of the Buddha,” Kondala said. “The people are suffering, they are getting poorer and poorer, so the monks wanted to protect them against any danger.”
Nyanissara said the region surrounding Sagaing is now home to one out of every 10 of Myanmar’s 400,000 monks, robed legions that listen carefully to his lectures to see the right path ahead.
“It’s a very big army,” the monk said, and he laughed a little. But he wasn’t smiling
Friday, January 11, 2008
Ten Imprisoned, Three Held for Interrogation
Narinjara
1/11/2008
Burmese military authorities sentenced ten people in Arakan State, including three monks, to long terms of imprisonment, while another three monks continue to be detained in interrogation cells after the Saffron Revolution in Burma, reports the NLD in Arakan State.
The NLD report listed the following monks as those recently sentenced by military authorities in Arakan:
U Ithiriya, aged 28, from Sithuka monastery in Sittwe who was arrested on 29 September, 2007, and sentenced to seven and a half years in prison. He is currently being held at Buthiduang prison.
U Kow Mala, aged 67, from Adidan monastery in Sittwe, who was arrested on 8 October 2007 and sentenced to two and a half years. He is currently detained at Sittwe prison.
U Wana Tha Ra, aged 23, from Radana Gon Bonmay monastery, who was arrested on 29 September, 2007, and sentenced to three years in prison. He is also being held at Sittwe prison.
Another three monks, U Panya Thiri, U Than Yama, and U Wayama, are still being held for interrogation at Sittwe prison, and have not yet been sentenced despite having been held by authorities for over three months.
The military government has also sentenced seven civilians for their alleged involvement in the recent monk-led protests, those are:
Ko Aung Naing Soe, aged 22 from Pauktaw Township, who was arrested in October and sentenced to three years and nine months in prison. He is currently at Thandwe prison in southern Arakan State.
Ko Aung Naing, 32 years old, from Sittwe, was arrested on 12 October, 2007, and was sentenced to two years and three months in prison. He is currently at Sittwe prison.
Ko Win Maung, who was a member of a village council in Manaung Township, was arrested on 27 November and sentenced to two and a half years. He has been sent to Kyaukpru prison from Manaung.
Ko Min Min Oo from Gwa Township has been detained at the notorious Insein prison, and has been charged by authorities on seven counts.
There are three NLD Arakan State members who were also sentenced to long prison terms: Ko Min Aung, 35 years old, is the secretary of the financial department of the NLD Arakan State who was arrested on 13 October 2007, and was sentenced to nine and a half years in prison. He is currently in Thandwe prison. His sentence was reduced by the authority to seven and a half years after an appeal to the high court.
U Khin Hla, aged 60, is the secretary of the organization department for the NLD Arakan State and was arrested on 28 November, 2007. He was sentenced to four years in prison and is currently at Thandwe prison.
Ko Ray Thein, alias Bu Maung, is a member of the NLD from Buthidaung who was arrested on 19 November, 2007. He is currently missing and the location of his detention is unknown.
The NLD Arakan stated in the report that they have only collected the names of the aforementioned individuals in Arakan State after the Saffron Revolution, but many more people have been reported arrested and are missing around the state after the junta cracked down on those they believed played a part in the protests.
1/11/2008
Burmese military authorities sentenced ten people in Arakan State, including three monks, to long terms of imprisonment, while another three monks continue to be detained in interrogation cells after the Saffron Revolution in Burma, reports the NLD in Arakan State.
The NLD report listed the following monks as those recently sentenced by military authorities in Arakan:
U Ithiriya, aged 28, from Sithuka monastery in Sittwe who was arrested on 29 September, 2007, and sentenced to seven and a half years in prison. He is currently being held at Buthiduang prison.
U Kow Mala, aged 67, from Adidan monastery in Sittwe, who was arrested on 8 October 2007 and sentenced to two and a half years. He is currently detained at Sittwe prison.
U Wana Tha Ra, aged 23, from Radana Gon Bonmay monastery, who was arrested on 29 September, 2007, and sentenced to three years in prison. He is also being held at Sittwe prison.
Another three monks, U Panya Thiri, U Than Yama, and U Wayama, are still being held for interrogation at Sittwe prison, and have not yet been sentenced despite having been held by authorities for over three months.
The military government has also sentenced seven civilians for their alleged involvement in the recent monk-led protests, those are:
Ko Aung Naing Soe, aged 22 from Pauktaw Township, who was arrested in October and sentenced to three years and nine months in prison. He is currently at Thandwe prison in southern Arakan State.
Ko Aung Naing, 32 years old, from Sittwe, was arrested on 12 October, 2007, and was sentenced to two years and three months in prison. He is currently at Sittwe prison.
Ko Win Maung, who was a member of a village council in Manaung Township, was arrested on 27 November and sentenced to two and a half years. He has been sent to Kyaukpru prison from Manaung.
Ko Min Min Oo from Gwa Township has been detained at the notorious Insein prison, and has been charged by authorities on seven counts.
There are three NLD Arakan State members who were also sentenced to long prison terms: Ko Min Aung, 35 years old, is the secretary of the financial department of the NLD Arakan State who was arrested on 13 October 2007, and was sentenced to nine and a half years in prison. He is currently in Thandwe prison. His sentence was reduced by the authority to seven and a half years after an appeal to the high court.
U Khin Hla, aged 60, is the secretary of the organization department for the NLD Arakan State and was arrested on 28 November, 2007. He was sentenced to four years in prison and is currently at Thandwe prison.
Ko Ray Thein, alias Bu Maung, is a member of the NLD from Buthidaung who was arrested on 19 November, 2007. He is currently missing and the location of his detention is unknown.
The NLD Arakan stated in the report that they have only collected the names of the aforementioned individuals in Arakan State after the Saffron Revolution, but many more people have been reported arrested and are missing around the state after the junta cracked down on those they believed played a part in the protests.
Thursday, January 10, 2008
Authorities continue detaining monks, activists
Htein Linn
Mizzima News (www.mizzima.com)
January 9, 2008 - In a continuous crackdown, authorities in western Burma's Arakan state have sentenced 13 political activists, arrested for their involvement in the September monk-led protests, dissidents said.
Of the 13 arrested – six monks, a university student, three National League for Democracy party members and three civilians – have been charged under various articles including frightening the people, disrespectful action against the government, inciting public riot, involvement in undesired public protests, beating, swearing, associating with unlawful organizations, and destroying public properties.
Thein Hlaing, secretary of the Arakan state NLD, said, "The latest information that we received is that there are six monks and seven civilians. While some of them have been sentenced under various charges, some are still kept at interrogation centres."
Among the six detained monks, U Kitharihya from Sittwe's Seikthathukhah monastery was arrested on September 29, 2007 and is charged under article 143, 505 (b) and 6. Sources said, the monk was sentenced to seven years and six months in prison and is now kept at Buthitaung prison.
Sixty seven year old U Kawmala, another monk from Sittwe town's Adithan monastery, was arrested on October 14, 2007 and is charged under article 143 and 295 and sentenced to 2 years and 6 months, sources said. The monk is currently detained at Sittwe prison.
While U Wunnathiri ( 23) from Sittwe town's Yadanabonmyay monastery, was arrested on September 29, 2007 and sentenced to 3 years in Sittwe prison, the other three monks, who were arrested in November, 2007 have been detained at Sittwe interrogation camp, the source said.
Sources in Arakan state NLD said, while party secretary Khin Hla was sentenced to 4 years, party treasurer Min Aung is sentenced to two and half years in prison.
Another party member, Ye Thein, was arrested on September 2 but released on September 5, 2007. However, he was re-arrested on Noveber 19, 2007 and was sent to lunatic asylum in Rangoon, sources said.
Meanwhile, authorities continue to detained a final year Master of Arts (Economics) student, Ye Min Oo, who was arrested in October, in Rangoon's notorious Insein interrogation centre. But activist Aung Naing Soe, who was also arrested in October, was charged under article 505 (b), and 143 and is sentenced to three years and nine months in jail in Thandwe prison in Arakan state.
Two other civilians, Aung Naing and win Maung, who were arrested in October, were sentenced to 2 years and 3 months, and 2 years and 6 months respectively, said the source adding that Aung Naing is detained in Sittwe prison while Win Maung is continued to be detained in Maan Aung police station.
Mizzima News (www.mizzima.com)
January 9, 2008 - In a continuous crackdown, authorities in western Burma's Arakan state have sentenced 13 political activists, arrested for their involvement in the September monk-led protests, dissidents said.
Of the 13 arrested – six monks, a university student, three National League for Democracy party members and three civilians – have been charged under various articles including frightening the people, disrespectful action against the government, inciting public riot, involvement in undesired public protests, beating, swearing, associating with unlawful organizations, and destroying public properties.
Thein Hlaing, secretary of the Arakan state NLD, said, "The latest information that we received is that there are six monks and seven civilians. While some of them have been sentenced under various charges, some are still kept at interrogation centres."
Among the six detained monks, U Kitharihya from Sittwe's Seikthathukhah monastery was arrested on September 29, 2007 and is charged under article 143, 505 (b) and 6. Sources said, the monk was sentenced to seven years and six months in prison and is now kept at Buthitaung prison.
Sixty seven year old U Kawmala, another monk from Sittwe town's Adithan monastery, was arrested on October 14, 2007 and is charged under article 143 and 295 and sentenced to 2 years and 6 months, sources said. The monk is currently detained at Sittwe prison.
While U Wunnathiri ( 23) from Sittwe town's Yadanabonmyay monastery, was arrested on September 29, 2007 and sentenced to 3 years in Sittwe prison, the other three monks, who were arrested in November, 2007 have been detained at Sittwe interrogation camp, the source said.
Sources in Arakan state NLD said, while party secretary Khin Hla was sentenced to 4 years, party treasurer Min Aung is sentenced to two and half years in prison.
Another party member, Ye Thein, was arrested on September 2 but released on September 5, 2007. However, he was re-arrested on Noveber 19, 2007 and was sent to lunatic asylum in Rangoon, sources said.
Meanwhile, authorities continue to detained a final year Master of Arts (Economics) student, Ye Min Oo, who was arrested in October, in Rangoon's notorious Insein interrogation centre. But activist Aung Naing Soe, who was also arrested in October, was charged under article 505 (b), and 143 and is sentenced to three years and nine months in jail in Thandwe prison in Arakan state.
Two other civilians, Aung Naing and win Maung, who were arrested in October, were sentenced to 2 years and 3 months, and 2 years and 6 months respectively, said the source adding that Aung Naing is detained in Sittwe prison while Win Maung is continued to be detained in Maan Aung police station.
Wednesday, January 9, 2008
Decision time in Burma
Washington Post
By R. Nicholas Burns
Tuesday, January 8, 2008; Page A19
Three months have passed since the world called on Burma's dictators, Gens. Than Shwe and Maung Aye, to end their brutal crackdown on tens of thousands of peaceful monks and other demonstrators and begin a genuine dialogue with Burma's democratic and ethnic minority leaders -- with the goal of a transition to democracy. The time has come for them to act.
With the strong backing of the U.N. Security Council, U.N. special adviser Ibrahim Gambari has made two trips to Burma since the crackdown to try to facilitate a dialogue. Through him, democratic leader and Nobel Peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi has reaffirmed her willingness to participate in a "meaningful and time-bound" dialogue to be joined by representatives of the country's ethnic minority groups.
This is a rare opportunity to help put Burma on the path to democratic civilian rule and to greater stability and prosperity. But while the regime initially made a few unremarkable gestures, such as appointing an official to interact with Aung San Suu Kyi and allowing her to meet once with a few democratic colleagues, it has since halted even this hint of progress and, in fact, has moved backward.
It has continued to arrest activists and harass Buddhist monks, recently closing a monastery that served as an AIDS hospice. Aung San Suu Kyi remains under house arrest, and the junta has refused her request to have two colleagues serve as liaisons to the government. On Dec. 3, senior regime officials delivered their harshest comments yet, rejecting any role for the opposition in drafting the constitution, blaming Aung San Suu Kyi for the lack of progress on a dialogue and describing the September demonstrations it suppressed as "trivial."
The United States does not regard such violence and the beating, detention and reported torture of peaceful protesters, including monks, as trivial. As first lady Laura Bush has said, "it seems the generals are indifferent to the Burmese people's suffering, but the rest of the world is not."
Dialogue would enable the Burmese people, through legitimate political and ethnic representatives, to discuss with the regime ways to broaden the political process -- including participation in the drafting of a constitution. This way the results will have legitimacy and popular support, allowing the full array of talent available in Burmese society to tackle the country's many problems. While the regime argues that it is the only force capable of keeping the country unified and that any change outside its control risks turmoil and instability, the reality is that the regime and its policies are the greatest threat to Burma's unity, stability and prosperity. The military rulers have brought about a steady decline in living standards and a deterioration in educational and public health systems. They have caused a continuing flow of refugees, narcotics and dangerous diseases into neighboring countries, and have so distressed and frustrated the people that they took to the streets by the thousands despite the risk of brutal suppression.
This is a horrendous track record, but Aung San Suu Kyi and other democratic leaders have nevertheless said that the Burmese military has an important role to play in a peaceful transition to democracy. With Than Shwe and Maung Aye showing no willingness to move in this direction, many in their regime should be increasingly uncomfortable with their policies and the country's direction.
The United States wants to see a strong, prosperous, stable and free Burma. We are convinced that the only way to achieve this objective is through the sort of broad national dialogue that U.N. special adviser Gambari is trying to facilitate with Security Council support. That's why it is critical that China, India, the ASEAN countries and Burma's other neighbors use any and all influence to support the U.N. effort and press the regime to initiate a dialogue. It is also why the United Nations should quicken the pace of its diplomacy.
As part of this effort, the United States will continue to target regime leaders and their cronies with sanctions. President Bush has promised that our country will continue to pressure the Burmese dictators to ensure that there is no return to business as usual. The world must not turn its back on the people of Burma and allow the regime's disregard for human dignity to continue. Together, we must apply sustained and strong pressure while making clear that a successful dialogue leading to a political transition would enable Burma to make a full return to the international system.
There are steps the junta could take immediately that would signal its seriousness -- releasing Aung San Suu Kyi and others, allowing them freedom of association and ending the ongoing crackdown. Meanwhile, Ibrahim Gambari plans to return to Burma soon. It is time for the generals to tell him -- and the Burmese people -- that they will begin a genuine dialogue and take the steps necessary for it to succeed. The time has come to ask the senior generals: What are you waiting for?
The writer is U.S. undersecretary of state for political affairs.
By R. Nicholas Burns
Tuesday, January 8, 2008; Page A19
Three months have passed since the world called on Burma's dictators, Gens. Than Shwe and Maung Aye, to end their brutal crackdown on tens of thousands of peaceful monks and other demonstrators and begin a genuine dialogue with Burma's democratic and ethnic minority leaders -- with the goal of a transition to democracy. The time has come for them to act.
With the strong backing of the U.N. Security Council, U.N. special adviser Ibrahim Gambari has made two trips to Burma since the crackdown to try to facilitate a dialogue. Through him, democratic leader and Nobel Peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi has reaffirmed her willingness to participate in a "meaningful and time-bound" dialogue to be joined by representatives of the country's ethnic minority groups.
This is a rare opportunity to help put Burma on the path to democratic civilian rule and to greater stability and prosperity. But while the regime initially made a few unremarkable gestures, such as appointing an official to interact with Aung San Suu Kyi and allowing her to meet once with a few democratic colleagues, it has since halted even this hint of progress and, in fact, has moved backward.
It has continued to arrest activists and harass Buddhist monks, recently closing a monastery that served as an AIDS hospice. Aung San Suu Kyi remains under house arrest, and the junta has refused her request to have two colleagues serve as liaisons to the government. On Dec. 3, senior regime officials delivered their harshest comments yet, rejecting any role for the opposition in drafting the constitution, blaming Aung San Suu Kyi for the lack of progress on a dialogue and describing the September demonstrations it suppressed as "trivial."
The United States does not regard such violence and the beating, detention and reported torture of peaceful protesters, including monks, as trivial. As first lady Laura Bush has said, "it seems the generals are indifferent to the Burmese people's suffering, but the rest of the world is not."
Dialogue would enable the Burmese people, through legitimate political and ethnic representatives, to discuss with the regime ways to broaden the political process -- including participation in the drafting of a constitution. This way the results will have legitimacy and popular support, allowing the full array of talent available in Burmese society to tackle the country's many problems. While the regime argues that it is the only force capable of keeping the country unified and that any change outside its control risks turmoil and instability, the reality is that the regime and its policies are the greatest threat to Burma's unity, stability and prosperity. The military rulers have brought about a steady decline in living standards and a deterioration in educational and public health systems. They have caused a continuing flow of refugees, narcotics and dangerous diseases into neighboring countries, and have so distressed and frustrated the people that they took to the streets by the thousands despite the risk of brutal suppression.
This is a horrendous track record, but Aung San Suu Kyi and other democratic leaders have nevertheless said that the Burmese military has an important role to play in a peaceful transition to democracy. With Than Shwe and Maung Aye showing no willingness to move in this direction, many in their regime should be increasingly uncomfortable with their policies and the country's direction.
The United States wants to see a strong, prosperous, stable and free Burma. We are convinced that the only way to achieve this objective is through the sort of broad national dialogue that U.N. special adviser Gambari is trying to facilitate with Security Council support. That's why it is critical that China, India, the ASEAN countries and Burma's other neighbors use any and all influence to support the U.N. effort and press the regime to initiate a dialogue. It is also why the United Nations should quicken the pace of its diplomacy.
As part of this effort, the United States will continue to target regime leaders and their cronies with sanctions. President Bush has promised that our country will continue to pressure the Burmese dictators to ensure that there is no return to business as usual. The world must not turn its back on the people of Burma and allow the regime's disregard for human dignity to continue. Together, we must apply sustained and strong pressure while making clear that a successful dialogue leading to a political transition would enable Burma to make a full return to the international system.
There are steps the junta could take immediately that would signal its seriousness -- releasing Aung San Suu Kyi and others, allowing them freedom of association and ending the ongoing crackdown. Meanwhile, Ibrahim Gambari plans to return to Burma soon. It is time for the generals to tell him -- and the Burmese people -- that they will begin a genuine dialogue and take the steps necessary for it to succeed. The time has come to ask the senior generals: What are you waiting for?
The writer is U.S. undersecretary of state for political affairs.
Falling Back on Buddhism
By Moe Yu May
RANGOON, Jan 8 (IPS) - Burma’s military leaders lived up to their reputation as repressive rulers on the day this country celebrated 60 years of independence from British rule. This erstwhile capital's main road was closed for two hours on the morning of Jan. 4.
Elsewhere in this city of dilapidated colonial-era buildings, security officers in plain clothes and officials from townships were visible on the streets to monitor possible anti-junta protests. Near the Sule Pagoda road, where pro-democracy protestors had marched last September, members of the feared riot police stood guard.
It was a setting that prompted disgust in a 40-year-old Burmese university lecturer. ‘’I don’t feel any freedom especially in these days,’’ said the academic. ‘’A question that I keep asking in my mind is did our country really gain independence. I do really want to feel freedom.’’
In mid-August last year, there were some Burmese who dared to believe that such a feeling of freedom was possible. Small protests mushroomed across the country after the junta raised the price of oil overnight by 500 percent without advanced notice. For some among the country’s long-suffering public, that latest economic burden meant giving up regular meals.
By late September, this movement had expanded into a popular uprising, attracting tens of thousands of ordinary people on to the streets of Rangoon. The protests were led by this Buddhist nation’s respected monks.
But then came the brutal crackdown by the junta, where armed soldiers and riot police turned on the unarmed civilians and monks. A U.N. investigator revealed that at least 31 people were killed, but anti-junta groups have said that close to 200 lives were lost. In addition, over 650 monks and civilians were arrested and thrown into jails were torture and abuse are rampant.
Yet in the three months since, there are emerging signs that such a brief flicker of freedom has not been extinguished. Rather than take to the streets to get rid of the military leaders, who have ruled this country since a 1962 coup, Rangoon’s residents are doing so through the strength of Buddhist teachings, the Dhamma.
The residents have been organising Dhamma assemblies in many places to listen to sermons about morality from some of the country’s prominent monks. At times, these sermons have been used by the monks to give counsel and obliquely criticise the junta. A favoured approach by some monks is to draw lessons from the life of the Buddha.
These Dhamma assemblies, which tend to run for two hours in the evening, are drawing large crowds. One held on Dec. 29 in the Tarmawe Township had attracted close to 3,000 people. Another, at Rangoon University’s religious hall, drew a similar number of followers. A religious talk held in mid-December in a football field of a state high school in the Insein Township had one of the largest gatherings – close to 20,000 people.
Some of these sermons have been heard by those who could not make it to the prayer assemblies, too. That stems from a cottage industry of compact discs (CDs) that has emerged to copy and distribute some of the more spiritual and provocative sermons. The latest collection on offer in Rangoon is one of 19 Dhamma talks.
‘’I’ve been busy copying and sending out these CDs to other towns as well, though it costs me,’’ one Rangoon monk told IPS on condition of anonymity.
But video compact discs (VCDs) of another kind – humour-- are also circulating within Burma. The stars here are some of the country’s comedians who have been performing at festivals and fairs, a common feature of life after the monsoon ends in November. And the junta has been the subject of some of the barbs.
One of the jokes broadcast at a fair in a park in Rangoon that went down well with the public focused on the five enemies of mankind. They are water, fire, the king, the thief and a person who bears ill will towards another. On that day, a comedian added his own twist, saying: ‘’Now we have only three enemies left, since the king, the thief and the one who bears ill will towards another are the same.’’
The junta, however, has launched a predictable counter strike to crush the spread of laughter. Permission for a public show on Jan. 3 featuring a troupe of comedians was withdrawn. This performance, which was to have been held at the Kan Taw Gyi park, had already been advertised and tickets had been printed.
Such censorship is common in a country where the military regime has gained notoriety for stamping on press freedom, jailing political opponents, and placing the country’s pro-opposition leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, under house arrest for over 12 years. The Burmese military has also been condemned by the international community for compelling ethnic minorities to do forced labour, for using rape as a weapon of war and for interfering with humanitarian programmes.
But if the dhamma assemblies and CDs in circulation serve as an indicator, it points to a growing anger against the junta that no amount of oppression would be able to wipe out. There are some political activists who say that this anger could boil to the surface this year, in a repeat of what happened in September last year, or in a different form.
The junta, however, is taking no chances. ‘’A military truck has been parked near our monastery since New Year and soldiers are on duty in the area,’’ said a monk who lives in Rangoon.
RANGOON, Jan 8 (IPS) - Burma’s military leaders lived up to their reputation as repressive rulers on the day this country celebrated 60 years of independence from British rule. This erstwhile capital's main road was closed for two hours on the morning of Jan. 4.
Elsewhere in this city of dilapidated colonial-era buildings, security officers in plain clothes and officials from townships were visible on the streets to monitor possible anti-junta protests. Near the Sule Pagoda road, where pro-democracy protestors had marched last September, members of the feared riot police stood guard.
It was a setting that prompted disgust in a 40-year-old Burmese university lecturer. ‘’I don’t feel any freedom especially in these days,’’ said the academic. ‘’A question that I keep asking in my mind is did our country really gain independence. I do really want to feel freedom.’’
In mid-August last year, there were some Burmese who dared to believe that such a feeling of freedom was possible. Small protests mushroomed across the country after the junta raised the price of oil overnight by 500 percent without advanced notice. For some among the country’s long-suffering public, that latest economic burden meant giving up regular meals.
By late September, this movement had expanded into a popular uprising, attracting tens of thousands of ordinary people on to the streets of Rangoon. The protests were led by this Buddhist nation’s respected monks.
But then came the brutal crackdown by the junta, where armed soldiers and riot police turned on the unarmed civilians and monks. A U.N. investigator revealed that at least 31 people were killed, but anti-junta groups have said that close to 200 lives were lost. In addition, over 650 monks and civilians were arrested and thrown into jails were torture and abuse are rampant.
Yet in the three months since, there are emerging signs that such a brief flicker of freedom has not been extinguished. Rather than take to the streets to get rid of the military leaders, who have ruled this country since a 1962 coup, Rangoon’s residents are doing so through the strength of Buddhist teachings, the Dhamma.
The residents have been organising Dhamma assemblies in many places to listen to sermons about morality from some of the country’s prominent monks. At times, these sermons have been used by the monks to give counsel and obliquely criticise the junta. A favoured approach by some monks is to draw lessons from the life of the Buddha.
These Dhamma assemblies, which tend to run for two hours in the evening, are drawing large crowds. One held on Dec. 29 in the Tarmawe Township had attracted close to 3,000 people. Another, at Rangoon University’s religious hall, drew a similar number of followers. A religious talk held in mid-December in a football field of a state high school in the Insein Township had one of the largest gatherings – close to 20,000 people.
Some of these sermons have been heard by those who could not make it to the prayer assemblies, too. That stems from a cottage industry of compact discs (CDs) that has emerged to copy and distribute some of the more spiritual and provocative sermons. The latest collection on offer in Rangoon is one of 19 Dhamma talks.
‘’I’ve been busy copying and sending out these CDs to other towns as well, though it costs me,’’ one Rangoon monk told IPS on condition of anonymity.
But video compact discs (VCDs) of another kind – humour-- are also circulating within Burma. The stars here are some of the country’s comedians who have been performing at festivals and fairs, a common feature of life after the monsoon ends in November. And the junta has been the subject of some of the barbs.
One of the jokes broadcast at a fair in a park in Rangoon that went down well with the public focused on the five enemies of mankind. They are water, fire, the king, the thief and a person who bears ill will towards another. On that day, a comedian added his own twist, saying: ‘’Now we have only three enemies left, since the king, the thief and the one who bears ill will towards another are the same.’’
The junta, however, has launched a predictable counter strike to crush the spread of laughter. Permission for a public show on Jan. 3 featuring a troupe of comedians was withdrawn. This performance, which was to have been held at the Kan Taw Gyi park, had already been advertised and tickets had been printed.
Such censorship is common in a country where the military regime has gained notoriety for stamping on press freedom, jailing political opponents, and placing the country’s pro-opposition leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, under house arrest for over 12 years. The Burmese military has also been condemned by the international community for compelling ethnic minorities to do forced labour, for using rape as a weapon of war and for interfering with humanitarian programmes.
But if the dhamma assemblies and CDs in circulation serve as an indicator, it points to a growing anger against the junta that no amount of oppression would be able to wipe out. There are some political activists who say that this anger could boil to the surface this year, in a repeat of what happened in September last year, or in a different form.
The junta, however, is taking no chances. ‘’A military truck has been parked near our monastery since New Year and soldiers are on duty in the area,’’ said a monk who lives in Rangoon.
Tuesday, January 8, 2008
Burmese monks conclude long march in Colombo
Phanida
Mizzima News (www.mizzima.com)
January 8, 2008 - In a show of solidarity, Burmese monks in Sri Lanka today entered capital Colombo, successfully concluding a five-day long march dedicated to peace and freedom in Burma.
Over 50 Burmese monks on January 4, on Burmese Independence Day, began the 75-mile long march from Sri Lanka's southern coastal town of Galle to capital Colombo. The monks concluded the march today with a little ceremony held in front of the United Nations office in Colombo.
Ashin Okkathah, spokesperson of the monks explaining about the conclusion of the march said, "a former parliamentarian who is a local Abbot Dr. Ashin Thamithah during the ceremony condemned the Burmese military government for their brutal suppression of monks and people during the September protests."
The closing ceremony of the march was attended by activists, and other well wishers including about 100 Sri Lankan monks who recited Metta Sutta for peace and freedom of the people in Burma.
The Burmese monks said Sri Lankan people have been supportive through out the march and provided them with food, and shelter for temporary meditation. Besides, local residents including office workers would rush out to greet them as they passed through the towns and villages.
"Our main aim for conducting the march is to free Burma from the grip of military dictators, and to obtain genuine democracy in Burma along with peace in the world. Though we cannot say we have achieved all our aims, we feel satisfied with what we have done. Because through our action, we could draw the attention of the local people and even the attention of the media," Ashin Okkathah said. Sri Lanka is currently host to over 100 Burmese monks including those learning in various monasteries.
Mizzima News (www.mizzima.com)
January 8, 2008 - In a show of solidarity, Burmese monks in Sri Lanka today entered capital Colombo, successfully concluding a five-day long march dedicated to peace and freedom in Burma.
Over 50 Burmese monks on January 4, on Burmese Independence Day, began the 75-mile long march from Sri Lanka's southern coastal town of Galle to capital Colombo. The monks concluded the march today with a little ceremony held in front of the United Nations office in Colombo.
Ashin Okkathah, spokesperson of the monks explaining about the conclusion of the march said, "a former parliamentarian who is a local Abbot Dr. Ashin Thamithah during the ceremony condemned the Burmese military government for their brutal suppression of monks and people during the September protests."
The closing ceremony of the march was attended by activists, and other well wishers including about 100 Sri Lankan monks who recited Metta Sutta for peace and freedom of the people in Burma.
The Burmese monks said Sri Lankan people have been supportive through out the march and provided them with food, and shelter for temporary meditation. Besides, local residents including office workers would rush out to greet them as they passed through the towns and villages.
"Our main aim for conducting the march is to free Burma from the grip of military dictators, and to obtain genuine democracy in Burma along with peace in the world. Though we cannot say we have achieved all our aims, we feel satisfied with what we have done. Because through our action, we could draw the attention of the local people and even the attention of the media," Ashin Okkathah said. Sri Lanka is currently host to over 100 Burmese monks including those learning in various monasteries.
Monday, January 7, 2008
Who lost the most in the 2007 uprising?
Irrawaddy
Mon 7 Jan 2008
Who were the true winners and losers in the uprising now widely known as the “Saffron Revolution”? The truth is everyone involved lost—the Burmese people, the military junta and the international community.
Most Burmese people lost faith in a better future, their dreams again destroyed by the dark reality of oppression and ruthlessness.
The generals lost their chance to show the world they wished to move towards a legitimate government and gain the world’s recognition as leaders who guided Burma to true democracy. The generals might have gone down in history as men of vision, but because they stayed true to their past they will be remembered only as unenlightened villains who have the people’s blood on their hands.
The international community lost in its efforts to effect peaceful change and is now searching for new ways to move the regime toward national reconciliation—which seems farther away than ever. Asean, especially, lost its chance to turn a new page, on which it could show it understands its responsibilities within the world community.
After the brutal crackdown on Buddhist monks and peaceful protesters in Burma, it seems that virtually the entire world stands together in a perhaps unprecedented show of solidarity and sympathy.
The UN calls for the ruling generals to move towards a real dialogue with opposition groups as part of an inclusive national reconciliation process, including the establishment of a broad-based poverty alleviation commission.
The US and EU recently tightened sanctions on the military government in one more attempt to force the generals to see reason.
However, confident in the tacit support it receives from its closest neighbors, China, India and its partners in Asean, the junta has yet to show real movement in the direction of a reconciliation process. In all likelihood, even the pretences it makes towards that end will soon be scrapped and buried in the graveyard of dashed hopes.
The Burmese people are painfully conscious of how their country has lagged behind the rest of the world. Sixty years after gaining its independence, the country has failed to take its place in the world community of established nations.
The roots of Burma’s crisis lie in the generals’ ignorance and mismanagement, which have led the country into political and economic instability.
A recent example: the leader of the junta, Snr-Gen Than Shwe, declared in December that the government would achieve rice sufficiency for a projected population of 100 million.
The absurd statement shows how far Than Shwe is out of touch with reality. In October, the World Food Programme said some 5 million people in Burma did not have enough to eat. The WFP blamed severe distortions in the economy, such as the junta’s restrictions on travel and trade, for causing widespread hunger in a potential food-surplus country. About one million Burmese struggle to survive as migrant workers—whether documented or undocumented—in neighboring countries.
Than Shwe has rejected the concerns voiced by the Burmese people and the international community, including the UN. Instead, he relies on—and may even believe—the reports fed to him by Minister of Industry-1 Aung Thaung and Minister of National Planning Soe Tha, who claim annual GDP is skyrocketing into double digits.
He no doubt agrees with Information Minister Kyaw Hsan, who charged the international media with exaggerating the September uprising and harming Burma’s image. The demonstrations were “trivial,” he said—a sentiment that fell in line with the junta’s post-uprising statement: “We are in control.”
The Burmese people continue to endure the oppressive military regime led by Than Shwe, who is attempting to establish a monarchy-style rule which could lead the country into an even darker age as a failed state.
Sadly, but unavoidably, that knowledge will drive more of Burma’s suffering people to sacrifice their lives—killed, imprisoned or forced to flee the country—in the hope of creating a democratic, free and prosperous nation.
It’s the people who have lost the most, by far.
Mon 7 Jan 2008
Who were the true winners and losers in the uprising now widely known as the “Saffron Revolution”? The truth is everyone involved lost—the Burmese people, the military junta and the international community.
Most Burmese people lost faith in a better future, their dreams again destroyed by the dark reality of oppression and ruthlessness.
The generals lost their chance to show the world they wished to move towards a legitimate government and gain the world’s recognition as leaders who guided Burma to true democracy. The generals might have gone down in history as men of vision, but because they stayed true to their past they will be remembered only as unenlightened villains who have the people’s blood on their hands.
The international community lost in its efforts to effect peaceful change and is now searching for new ways to move the regime toward national reconciliation—which seems farther away than ever. Asean, especially, lost its chance to turn a new page, on which it could show it understands its responsibilities within the world community.
After the brutal crackdown on Buddhist monks and peaceful protesters in Burma, it seems that virtually the entire world stands together in a perhaps unprecedented show of solidarity and sympathy.
The UN calls for the ruling generals to move towards a real dialogue with opposition groups as part of an inclusive national reconciliation process, including the establishment of a broad-based poverty alleviation commission.
The US and EU recently tightened sanctions on the military government in one more attempt to force the generals to see reason.
However, confident in the tacit support it receives from its closest neighbors, China, India and its partners in Asean, the junta has yet to show real movement in the direction of a reconciliation process. In all likelihood, even the pretences it makes towards that end will soon be scrapped and buried in the graveyard of dashed hopes.
The Burmese people are painfully conscious of how their country has lagged behind the rest of the world. Sixty years after gaining its independence, the country has failed to take its place in the world community of established nations.
The roots of Burma’s crisis lie in the generals’ ignorance and mismanagement, which have led the country into political and economic instability.
A recent example: the leader of the junta, Snr-Gen Than Shwe, declared in December that the government would achieve rice sufficiency for a projected population of 100 million.
The absurd statement shows how far Than Shwe is out of touch with reality. In October, the World Food Programme said some 5 million people in Burma did not have enough to eat. The WFP blamed severe distortions in the economy, such as the junta’s restrictions on travel and trade, for causing widespread hunger in a potential food-surplus country. About one million Burmese struggle to survive as migrant workers—whether documented or undocumented—in neighboring countries.
Than Shwe has rejected the concerns voiced by the Burmese people and the international community, including the UN. Instead, he relies on—and may even believe—the reports fed to him by Minister of Industry-1 Aung Thaung and Minister of National Planning Soe Tha, who claim annual GDP is skyrocketing into double digits.
He no doubt agrees with Information Minister Kyaw Hsan, who charged the international media with exaggerating the September uprising and harming Burma’s image. The demonstrations were “trivial,” he said—a sentiment that fell in line with the junta’s post-uprising statement: “We are in control.”
The Burmese people continue to endure the oppressive military regime led by Than Shwe, who is attempting to establish a monarchy-style rule which could lead the country into an even darker age as a failed state.
Sadly, but unavoidably, that knowledge will drive more of Burma’s suffering people to sacrifice their lives—killed, imprisoned or forced to flee the country—in the hope of creating a democratic, free and prosperous nation.
It’s the people who have lost the most, by far.
Bangladeshi Monks united for saffron revolution in Burma
Narinjara News
Mon 7 Jan 2008
Dhaka: A leading monk organization working on Burmese monk affairs was formed by five monks’ organizations in Bangladesh on Friday at a monastery in the Chittagong Hill Tract area in Bangladesh, said U Thiha, the spokesperson of the new organization.
He said, “All monk organizations agreed in a meeting to form an umbrella monk organization to lead Bangladeshi monks in cooperating with Burmese monks for carrying out their religious purpose in Burma.”
The meeting was held at Mazi Para monastery in Rangamati District of Bangladesh, with 42 monk delegates from five organizations in attendance.
The delegates discussed several religious issues and looked for ways to cooperate with Burmese monks to prevent their oppression by the Burmese military government.
“The relations of Bangladesh and Burmese have been very good for a long period, and we have been working together with Burmese monks for Buddhist religious affairs for many years. Now the continued existence of the monkhood in Burma is threatened. So how can we stay silent?” said U Thiha.
Many monks in Bangladesh want to work enthusiastically for Burmese monks, so the monk’s delegates formed the umbrella organization under the name of United Thinga Alliance in Bangladesh, U Thiha added.
During the meeting the delegates adopted five objectives and future plans for the formation of the alliance in order to achieve their goals.
The five member organizations in the new monk alliance are the Rakhine Thinga Association, Nyinyutye and Lonsawye Committee, Chittagong Hill Tract Thinga Council (North), Thinga Union for Buddhists, and the Thinga Nugaha Association, said spokesperson U Thiha.
Mon 7 Jan 2008
Dhaka: A leading monk organization working on Burmese monk affairs was formed by five monks’ organizations in Bangladesh on Friday at a monastery in the Chittagong Hill Tract area in Bangladesh, said U Thiha, the spokesperson of the new organization.
He said, “All monk organizations agreed in a meeting to form an umbrella monk organization to lead Bangladeshi monks in cooperating with Burmese monks for carrying out their religious purpose in Burma.”
The meeting was held at Mazi Para monastery in Rangamati District of Bangladesh, with 42 monk delegates from five organizations in attendance.
The delegates discussed several religious issues and looked for ways to cooperate with Burmese monks to prevent their oppression by the Burmese military government.
“The relations of Bangladesh and Burmese have been very good for a long period, and we have been working together with Burmese monks for Buddhist religious affairs for many years. Now the continued existence of the monkhood in Burma is threatened. So how can we stay silent?” said U Thiha.
Many monks in Bangladesh want to work enthusiastically for Burmese monks, so the monk’s delegates formed the umbrella organization under the name of United Thinga Alliance in Bangladesh, U Thiha added.
During the meeting the delegates adopted five objectives and future plans for the formation of the alliance in order to achieve their goals.
The five member organizations in the new monk alliance are the Rakhine Thinga Association, Nyinyutye and Lonsawye Committee, Chittagong Hill Tract Thinga Council (North), Thinga Union for Buddhists, and the Thinga Nugaha Association, said spokesperson U Thiha.
Thursday, January 3, 2008
Monks continue anti-junta struggle
Scoop.co.nz
Terry Evans
Thu 3 Jan 2008
The All-Burmese Monks Alliance (ABMA) issued a statement yesterday, calling on the people of Burma to support their struggle against the military regime once again.
The statement stressed that any further protests must be non-violent. The ABMA urged monks to continue their boycott of the Burmese regime and went on to state that, if monks and people remain united, they can bring an end to the country’s current problems.
The mass protest movement has so far failed to bring down the military regime, but it has shaken the ground under its feet. Last September, a new layer of young monks and students entered the political scene to challenge the vicious regime.
In recent weeks posters have appeared encouraging people to take to the streets in protests timed to coincide with the country’s Independence Day on January 4.
Terry Evans
Thu 3 Jan 2008
The All-Burmese Monks Alliance (ABMA) issued a statement yesterday, calling on the people of Burma to support their struggle against the military regime once again.
The statement stressed that any further protests must be non-violent. The ABMA urged monks to continue their boycott of the Burmese regime and went on to state that, if monks and people remain united, they can bring an end to the country’s current problems.
The mass protest movement has so far failed to bring down the military regime, but it has shaken the ground under its feet. Last September, a new layer of young monks and students entered the political scene to challenge the vicious regime.
In recent weeks posters have appeared encouraging people to take to the streets in protests timed to coincide with the country’s Independence Day on January 4.
Sangha under Siege
Irrawaddy
by Yeni
January 3, 2008
Monks feel the brunt of the regime’s brutality
As the sonorous sounds of bronze bells and wooden gongs dispel the early morning darkness, monks in maroon robes set off with their alms bowls on their daily rounds of the neighborhoods around their monasteries. This serene picture is part of the cultural tapestry of Burma, the “land of pagodas.”
The crackdown on the September demonstrations scattered the protesting monks—and at the same time shattered an age-old picture. The number of monks making their morning rounds has shrunk dramatically. Many monasteries are empty.
Relations between monks and laypeople have changed too. “Whenever we have contacts with the monks and monasteries, we are under surveillance,” said one Rangoon resident. “The authorities suspect us of supporting rebellion.”
The culture of Burma is widely considered to be synonymous with the Theravada form of Buddhism adopted from the Mon people following King Anawrahta’s capture of the Mon capital of Thaton in 1057. Theravada Buddhism came to play a central role in daily life, and every village in Burma now has its pagoda and a monastery, the traditional places for worship and religious education.
An ancient Sanskrit word meaning “justice” or “the law of nature,” dhamma is taught by monks to Buddhist devotees at monasteries. Recently, these sermons have become popular events in Burma—dhamma sermon VCDs and tapes are selling well all over the country.
Dhamma sermons are usually attended almost exclusively by elderly people; however, since the crackdown on peaceful demonstrators in September, more and more laypersons, especially youths, are turning up at monasteries to listen to Buddhist sermons. Sermons on dhamma are being given by well-known monks and abbots. In their talks, the monks often recount the words of Lord Buddha, telling their subjects that life is suffering and that, to atone for their sins, those who have committed evil acts will be condemned to “ape-nga-ye” (the Buddhist version of “hell”).
Attending dhamma sermons has become a way for Burmese people to show their defiance against the military government.
Traditionally, the most important duty of all Burmese parents is to make sure their sons are admitted to the Sangha on reaching the age of seven. A symbolic procession and ceremony of exchanging princely attire with that of an ascetic follow the example of the historical Buddha. Parents expect their sons to remain in the monastery and study the teachings of the Buddha as members of the Sangha for at least a few weeks.
Young men have another opportunity to join the Sangha at the age of 20, when they can be ordained as monks, disciples of the Buddha, perhaps devoting their whole lives to the order, sacrificing their normal existence for the task of keeping Buddhism alive. It’s a sacrifice that explains why the monks are such revered members of Burmese society.
Monks—considered “sons of Buddha”—were also the moral teachers of young and old alike until secular and missionary schools came into being during the British colonial administration. There has been a revival of monastic influence on Burmese society since the 1990s as a result of the country’s deepening socio-economic crisis.
Children from poor families that can ill afford fees, uniforms and books can qualify for free monastic education, while many leading monasteries also perform social work—notably Rangoon’s Maggin Monastery, which had a hospice and treatment center for HIV/AIDS patients until it was shut down by the authorities following the September demonstrations.
The protests that began in mid-August against sharp increases in the prices of fuel and other essentials and the monk-led uprising that followed were indicators of the dire state of the economy after 45 years of military rule. In an interview with The Financial Times, the UN’s representative in Rangoon, Charles Petrie, said: “People came out [to demonstrate] because the pain they are feeling is too much—they are suffering.”
Petrie was expelled from Burma for telling the truth, which the regime tried to smother with absurd claims of its own. The authorities maintained that the monks who led the demonstrations were bogus clergy, and even accused the US Central Intelligence Agency of involvement.
Monks were among those killed by what another UN envoy, human rights rapporteur Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, has described as the regime’s “excessive use of force.” Others just disappeared, their whereabouts unknown; Hundreds were jailed and many are still behind bars.
The bitterness at this satanic abuse of the Buddhist clergy lingers on among the general public and within the monasteries. It was most recently evident in the response to an appeal to boycott the annual state-set examinations for the clergy, which resulted in only 10 percent of the usual number of monks registering.
The low turnout prompted many to ask: “Where are all the monks? Where have they gone?”
The US charge d’affaires in Burma, Shari Villarosa, said that when diplomats put that question to the authorities they were told the monks had “returned home.” Western diplomats remain deeply skeptical. “We believe a considerable number have been arrested,” said Villarosa.
by Yeni
January 3, 2008
Monks feel the brunt of the regime’s brutality
As the sonorous sounds of bronze bells and wooden gongs dispel the early morning darkness, monks in maroon robes set off with their alms bowls on their daily rounds of the neighborhoods around their monasteries. This serene picture is part of the cultural tapestry of Burma, the “land of pagodas.”
The crackdown on the September demonstrations scattered the protesting monks—and at the same time shattered an age-old picture. The number of monks making their morning rounds has shrunk dramatically. Many monasteries are empty.
Relations between monks and laypeople have changed too. “Whenever we have contacts with the monks and monasteries, we are under surveillance,” said one Rangoon resident. “The authorities suspect us of supporting rebellion.”
The culture of Burma is widely considered to be synonymous with the Theravada form of Buddhism adopted from the Mon people following King Anawrahta’s capture of the Mon capital of Thaton in 1057. Theravada Buddhism came to play a central role in daily life, and every village in Burma now has its pagoda and a monastery, the traditional places for worship and religious education.
An ancient Sanskrit word meaning “justice” or “the law of nature,” dhamma is taught by monks to Buddhist devotees at monasteries. Recently, these sermons have become popular events in Burma—dhamma sermon VCDs and tapes are selling well all over the country.
Dhamma sermons are usually attended almost exclusively by elderly people; however, since the crackdown on peaceful demonstrators in September, more and more laypersons, especially youths, are turning up at monasteries to listen to Buddhist sermons. Sermons on dhamma are being given by well-known monks and abbots. In their talks, the monks often recount the words of Lord Buddha, telling their subjects that life is suffering and that, to atone for their sins, those who have committed evil acts will be condemned to “ape-nga-ye” (the Buddhist version of “hell”).
Attending dhamma sermons has become a way for Burmese people to show their defiance against the military government.
Traditionally, the most important duty of all Burmese parents is to make sure their sons are admitted to the Sangha on reaching the age of seven. A symbolic procession and ceremony of exchanging princely attire with that of an ascetic follow the example of the historical Buddha. Parents expect their sons to remain in the monastery and study the teachings of the Buddha as members of the Sangha for at least a few weeks.
Young men have another opportunity to join the Sangha at the age of 20, when they can be ordained as monks, disciples of the Buddha, perhaps devoting their whole lives to the order, sacrificing their normal existence for the task of keeping Buddhism alive. It’s a sacrifice that explains why the monks are such revered members of Burmese society.
Monks—considered “sons of Buddha”—were also the moral teachers of young and old alike until secular and missionary schools came into being during the British colonial administration. There has been a revival of monastic influence on Burmese society since the 1990s as a result of the country’s deepening socio-economic crisis.
Children from poor families that can ill afford fees, uniforms and books can qualify for free monastic education, while many leading monasteries also perform social work—notably Rangoon’s Maggin Monastery, which had a hospice and treatment center for HIV/AIDS patients until it was shut down by the authorities following the September demonstrations.
The protests that began in mid-August against sharp increases in the prices of fuel and other essentials and the monk-led uprising that followed were indicators of the dire state of the economy after 45 years of military rule. In an interview with The Financial Times, the UN’s representative in Rangoon, Charles Petrie, said: “People came out [to demonstrate] because the pain they are feeling is too much—they are suffering.”
Petrie was expelled from Burma for telling the truth, which the regime tried to smother with absurd claims of its own. The authorities maintained that the monks who led the demonstrations were bogus clergy, and even accused the US Central Intelligence Agency of involvement.
Monks were among those killed by what another UN envoy, human rights rapporteur Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, has described as the regime’s “excessive use of force.” Others just disappeared, their whereabouts unknown; Hundreds were jailed and many are still behind bars.
The bitterness at this satanic abuse of the Buddhist clergy lingers on among the general public and within the monasteries. It was most recently evident in the response to an appeal to boycott the annual state-set examinations for the clergy, which resulted in only 10 percent of the usual number of monks registering.
The low turnout prompted many to ask: “Where are all the monks? Where have they gone?”
The US charge d’affaires in Burma, Shari Villarosa, said that when diplomats put that question to the authorities they were told the monks had “returned home.” Western diplomats remain deeply skeptical. “We believe a considerable number have been arrested,” said Villarosa.
Wednesday, January 2, 2008
Monk group urges peaceful protest
DVB
Aye Nai
Wed 2 Jan 2008
The All-Burmese Monks Alliance called on the people of Burma to support their struggle against the regime, but stressed that they should not use violence, in a statement issued yesterday.
The statement urged monks to continue with their boycott of the Burmese regime, and said that if monks and the general public work together, they can bring an end to the country’s humanitarian problems.
“If the public and monks join forces, we can resolve all our problems,” the statement said.
“We vow to continue with the boycott until every monk and political prisoner is released.”
However, the group rejected the use of violence to achieve its goals.
“We must take responsibility for our own future, but avoid all violence,” the statement said.
Monks have been targeted in raids and arrests since their involvement in the September protests.
In response to the government’s violent crackdown on these demonstrations, many monks have refused to accept alms from government officials and supporters, and called for a boycott of government-run monk examinations.
Aye Nai
Wed 2 Jan 2008
The All-Burmese Monks Alliance called on the people of Burma to support their struggle against the regime, but stressed that they should not use violence, in a statement issued yesterday.
The statement urged monks to continue with their boycott of the Burmese regime, and said that if monks and the general public work together, they can bring an end to the country’s humanitarian problems.
“If the public and monks join forces, we can resolve all our problems,” the statement said.
“We vow to continue with the boycott until every monk and political prisoner is released.”
However, the group rejected the use of violence to achieve its goals.
“We must take responsibility for our own future, but avoid all violence,” the statement said.
Monks have been targeted in raids and arrests since their involvement in the September protests.
In response to the government’s violent crackdown on these demonstrations, many monks have refused to accept alms from government officials and supporters, and called for a boycott of government-run monk examinations.
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