Kaowao: September 29, 2007
The news emerged that monks studying at the monasteries and University students who finished their examinations were sent back home from the capital of Mon State.
“The protest leaders were arrested and students and all the monks were sent back to their home yesterday, so no more marching in Mawalmyine,” sources from the New Mon State Party (NMSP) reported.
One University student said that, “On September 27, the government authorities were already arranging the trucks at the front of the student hostels to send them to their home.”
“I don’t live in the hostel, I live in my relative’s house in the Myine Tharyar quarter, but I was sent back. The head of the authorities in the quarter was previously preparing the trucks for the students, so as soon as they finished the examination they came to the hostel and let us collect our belongings to go back. Even though we wanted to go back tomorrow, they didn’t allow us to stay and forced us to go back as soon as possible,” a second year Mawlamyine University student told to Kaowao Reporter.
A Monk from the studying temple reported, “The monks in Mawlamyine were also forced to go back. On September 26 the authorities came and ordered the monks to go back, so on the 27th they came and picked us up with the trucks.”
According to another monk, “On the night of the 26th the authorities came to the monasteries to investigate, remind the monks to stop their protest and order the monks who were from the village to go back to their home. Then they arrested over 40 monks who were on the list of the leader of the demonstration.”
Protests happened for a moment in Mawlamyine on September 27 but the news emerged that the authorities would use violence to crack down on the demonstration. Therefore at 3 p.m the protesters broke up their group.
According to Khitpyaing News, to crack down on the demonstration, the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), Karen ceasefire group and SPDC came down to Mawlamyine on September 25 with 10 trucks along the Myawadee motor road.
Sunday, September 30, 2007
Will Buddhists support their brethren?
UPI Asia
Commentary
HONG KONG, Sep. 28
BASIL FERNANDO
Column: Burning Points
The Buddhist monks in Burma have been on the streets for several days now, falling upon the last resort under their disciplinary code, the Vinaya Pitaka, to call upon the military regime of the country to step down and respect the people.
The people of Burma are facing extremely difficult times. The cost of basic commodities has gone up drastically with an increase of 500 percent in fuel prices alone, while malnutrition in the country affects 40 percent of the population. Burma was named, along with Somalia, as the two most corrupt countries in the latest report by Transparency International.
The monks' demonstrations have been supported by the local people on a very large scale in all parts of the country. In some gatherings, there were more than 100,000 people. In areas where the minorities live there have also been very large crowds of people who have stood beside the monks and participated in the protests.
Photographs distributed through various channels show the Buddhist monks, who have come out in such large numbers to stand up for the rights of the people, being surrounded by the people who have thrown a protective shield around them. Throughout history, the appearance of a large throng of yellow-robed monks in the streets has been perceived as their ultimate gesture, when they must push for changes which have become necessary for the survival of the people.
The military regime, which does not have any economic or political program to respond to this mass upsurge, has threatened retaliatory action and, in some instances, has already attacked the monks and the people with bullets, tear gas and baton charges. The exact number of confirmed casualties is yet unknown. However, it is quite clear that the military regime is unwilling to consider any form of reconciliatory measures that will in some way alleviate the suffering of the masses.
The alienation of this corrupt regime from the people is so complete that it is not in a position to respond, even to such a vast protest by the country's powerful and respected Buddhist clergy. What this confrontation most likely will mean is a protracted struggle, and judging by the experience of 1988, it would not be surprising if intense and excessive violence is used by the military to massacre the monks and the people.
It would be interesting to see how Sri Lanka's Buddhist monks, who are a powerful element on the Sri Lankan political scene, might come forward to support the struggle of their counterparts in Burma as well as to prevent their possible massacre. The Sri Lankan Buddhist clergy claim it is their duty to protect Buddhism, in which one of the triple gems is the monks. Will the Buddhist monks of Sri Lanka let the military regime in their neighboring country cause a massacre of the Buddhist monks of Burma?
Burma's monks are standing against the massive suppression of people's rights and the corruption of a military regime. It would be the duty of everyone who cares for human dignity and the right to life to support the struggle of these monks and the people of Burma, who are trying to prevent a further degeneration of economic and political conditions in the country.
If this struggle is defeated, we are likely to see in Burma the magnification of a catastrophe that may produce large-scale starvation. If any act of solidarity is to be shown to the people of Burma, the time is now. It remains to be seen whether the Sri Lankan Buddhist clergy will extend such solidarity to their counterparts in Burma in their present hour of need.
--
(Basil Fernando is director of the Asian Human Rights Commission based in Hong Kong. He is a Sri Lankan lawyer who has also been a senior U.N. human rights officer in Cambodia. He has published several books and written extensively on human rights issues in Asia.)
Commentary
HONG KONG, Sep. 28
BASIL FERNANDO
Column: Burning Points
The Buddhist monks in Burma have been on the streets for several days now, falling upon the last resort under their disciplinary code, the Vinaya Pitaka, to call upon the military regime of the country to step down and respect the people.
The people of Burma are facing extremely difficult times. The cost of basic commodities has gone up drastically with an increase of 500 percent in fuel prices alone, while malnutrition in the country affects 40 percent of the population. Burma was named, along with Somalia, as the two most corrupt countries in the latest report by Transparency International.
The monks' demonstrations have been supported by the local people on a very large scale in all parts of the country. In some gatherings, there were more than 100,000 people. In areas where the minorities live there have also been very large crowds of people who have stood beside the monks and participated in the protests.
Photographs distributed through various channels show the Buddhist monks, who have come out in such large numbers to stand up for the rights of the people, being surrounded by the people who have thrown a protective shield around them. Throughout history, the appearance of a large throng of yellow-robed monks in the streets has been perceived as their ultimate gesture, when they must push for changes which have become necessary for the survival of the people.
The military regime, which does not have any economic or political program to respond to this mass upsurge, has threatened retaliatory action and, in some instances, has already attacked the monks and the people with bullets, tear gas and baton charges. The exact number of confirmed casualties is yet unknown. However, it is quite clear that the military regime is unwilling to consider any form of reconciliatory measures that will in some way alleviate the suffering of the masses.
The alienation of this corrupt regime from the people is so complete that it is not in a position to respond, even to such a vast protest by the country's powerful and respected Buddhist clergy. What this confrontation most likely will mean is a protracted struggle, and judging by the experience of 1988, it would not be surprising if intense and excessive violence is used by the military to massacre the monks and the people.
It would be interesting to see how Sri Lanka's Buddhist monks, who are a powerful element on the Sri Lankan political scene, might come forward to support the struggle of their counterparts in Burma as well as to prevent their possible massacre. The Sri Lankan Buddhist clergy claim it is their duty to protect Buddhism, in which one of the triple gems is the monks. Will the Buddhist monks of Sri Lanka let the military regime in their neighboring country cause a massacre of the Buddhist monks of Burma?
Burma's monks are standing against the massive suppression of people's rights and the corruption of a military regime. It would be the duty of everyone who cares for human dignity and the right to life to support the struggle of these monks and the people of Burma, who are trying to prevent a further degeneration of economic and political conditions in the country.
If this struggle is defeated, we are likely to see in Burma the magnification of a catastrophe that may produce large-scale starvation. If any act of solidarity is to be shown to the people of Burma, the time is now. It remains to be seen whether the Sri Lankan Buddhist clergy will extend such solidarity to their counterparts in Burma in their present hour of need.
--
(Basil Fernando is director of the Asian Human Rights Commission based in Hong Kong. He is a Sri Lankan lawyer who has also been a senior U.N. human rights officer in Cambodia. He has published several books and written extensively on human rights issues in Asia.)
How Junta stemmed a saffron tide
The military crackdown on Burma's monk-led opposition has emptied the streets and removed hope of regime change... for now. But dissent continues to seep out via the internet and from the army rank and file
Special correspondents in Rangoon and Bangkok, Justin McCurry in Tokyo, Jonathan Watts in Beijing, Alex Duval Smith in Oslo
Sunday September 30, 2007
The Observer
After early optimism, a sense of hopelessness now exists in Rangoon. Communication to the outside world has been largely cut and, according to diplomats in the region, up to 200 protesters are dead. The official death count from the government is nine. But no one believes the government.
The maroon-clad Buddhist monks from the monasteries at Moe Gaung, Ngwe Kyar Yan and elsewhere, who marched in their thousands to give impetus to a new generation of Burmese protesters challenging decades of military rule, are locked up in prison or behind their monastery gates. Their monks' cells have been smashed, stained with their blood and looted. Those who escaped have taken off their robes and sought refuge disguised as laymen.
Parks, grocery stores and internet cafes are closed. Troops stand on every corner. By late yesterday a few hundred protesters - in contrast to the hundreds of thousands who flocked to the streets mid-week - were playing a game of cat- and-mouse with the military and pro-military thugs.
For now it has been left to a United Nations envoy, Ibrahim Gambari, to persuade the generals to use negotiations instead of guns to end mass protests against 45 years of military rule. 'He's the best hope we have. He is trusted on both sides,' Singapore Foreign Minister George Yeo said. 'If he fails, then the situation can become quite dreadful.'
It was a sense of despair that was reflected yesterday in Rangoon, the country's largest city and centre of gravity of the protests, which have faltered and failed under a hail of rubber bullets, tear gas and live rounds. 'I don't think that we have any more hope to win,' said a young woman who took part in a massive demonstration on Thursday that was broken up when troops opened fire into a crowd. She was separated from her boyfriend and has not seen him since. 'The monks are the ones who give us courage.'
'People are living in a state of fear and hate,' said another onlooker. 'A few days ago, everyone was friendly. Now no one wants to talk to strangers.'
But, perhaps, it is not the whole picture. For in Burma in these past two weeks of protests, two stories have emerged.
The first has been sharply visible in the images of the vast demonstrations against the military junta that have coalesced around Rangoon's symbolic centres of the Sule and Shwedagon pagodas, and the violent response of the regime.
It has been told in pictures of bloodshed and confrontation that have brought back bleak memories of the last time the Burmese people rose up to confront the military who have exercised a brutal monopoly on power for 45 long years. That was in 1988, when 3,000 people were murdered by the army in the violence that followed.
Most of all it has been a story of resistance that yesterday appeared to have concluded in defeat.
But there has been a second, more discreet story that has emerged. The most powerful weapons in the revolution, albeit one that has been crushed for now, were the worldwide web, Facebook and the blogs - in particular, those that fed the Burmese media network in Oslo that fed the world.
With the internet in Burma largely closed down, as activists in Norway concede, the powerful images that commanded the world's attention have become scraps of just a few seconds.
Still, the story has seeped out via hurried conversations in Rangoon and Mandalay, passed down the line to opposition groups in exile in Bangkok and on the Thai border. And what it has described is a sclerotic military regime that, while still brutal and controlling, has been struggling to impose the power it has for so long enjoyed.
It tells for the first time of cracks in the military command, of officers questioning the 'morality' of their orders and the self-interest of the generals in charge. 'There are differences in the rank and file of the army for the first time,' said one exiled trade union activist last week. They are focused, too, on tensions within an army and bureaucracy that has long shared the financial fruits of power with the junta's generals and who, after four decades, have begun to feel as excluded as the vast majority of Burma's people.
When Senior General Than Shwe began the relocation of Burma's administrative capital to Naypyidaw - the 'Abode of the Gods' - in November 2005 the move was put down by some to folly and superstition. The reality, however, of the relocation of Burma's ministries and military headquarters to this area of tropical scrub, 200 miles distant from Rangoon, was more prosaic.
A military dictatorship once confident of its ability to frighten the population had, in fact, become something close to being afraid itself, of its own people. It was a time of transformation in Burma - of changes that in large measure would lead directly to the showdown between the military and the Burmese people that began in the middle of August.
For there were consequences to the move that the generals could have anticipated. Transferring the entire government machinery to Naypyidaw has been a huge drain on public finances already stretched to breaking point in one of the world's poorest countries. So, too, has been the cost of maintaining the 375,000-strong army, which has nearly doubled in size over the past decade.
The folly of the move to Naypyidaw has impoverished an already poor population in a land where government pensions are virtually worthless. One of the critical engines of the protests has been the cost of living.
The move had other critical consequences. For as well as seeing the centre of power being shifted away, the centre of gravity within the regime was also being shunted. 'The junta used to be a dictatorship by committee,' says Mark Farmaner of the Burma Campaign UK. 'But around the same time as the move it began to become more of a traditional dictatorship centred around General Than Shwe. The military intelligence chief, General Khin Nyunt, was put under house arrest, and the balance of power with Vice Senior General Maung Aye that existed between the three generals began evolving around 2004 into the accumulation by Than Shwe of more power for himself and a few cronies.'
The shift in power within Burma's junta was reflected in another important aspect, according to opposition figures in the Burmese government in exile. Where once the generals had been careful to command the loyalty of the military by distributing the benefits of dictatorship among them, Than Shwe began concentrating the benefits of power in the same tight circle.
And if a symbol for the physical remoteness and greed of the evolving new regime under Than Shwe was required, it was supplied in a desperately miscalculated act: the wedding in Rangoon last year of his daughter, a 10-minute video of which was leaked to the outside world. Viewers were offended not only by the extravagance of the event, in which Thandar Shwe and her bridegroom, Major Zaw Phyo Win, a deputy director at the Ministry of Commerce, were showered with expensive gifts, including luxury cars, houses and jewellery, but also by its utter lack of taste.
It was not simply the widely claimed $50m in gifts lavished on the bride that was symbolic. The diabetic Than Shwe, then 75, looked frail. Less visible things were happening to the regime as it settled into its new headquarters. Reports of desertions from a military no longer an elite apart began to emerge; a report leaked to Jane's suggested that many of its battalions were suffering manpower problems. Persistent reports began to emerge of criticism of the leadership even among the officer classes. 'There was a lieutenant-colonel out of the country who said the Americans should bomb Naypyidaw,' recalls Zaw Tung, an official with the Federation of Trade Unions of Burma, which was among the organisers of the recent protests and a victim of the crackdown.
Signs of dissent within the military have also been reported by Zin Lin, an official with the Burmese government in exile. 'We have heard reports from inside the country of places where soldiers are not following orders to fire on demonstrators, including in Mandalay where they refused an order to fire on monks.'
But there are more intriguing claims emerging that appear to contradict the narrative of the democracy movement being snuffed out without any gain in the last few days. Among them is the claim in Irrawaddy news magazine that the bubbling dissent within the armed forces has led to a serious falling out between the head of the army, Vice Senior General Maung Aye, and Than Shwe over the response to the demonstrations.
Farmaner's organisation has heard the same accounts. And if he is certain of one thing, it is that Than Shwe, secluded in his new capital, made a series of potentially disastrous miscalculations, beginning with the decision to increase the price of fuel by 500 per cent, leading to the first demonstration on 19 August. By the junta's own standards, it seemed slow and confused about how to respond to the fuel protests and then to the mass revulsion that followed the beating of two monks by the security forces.
When it did use violence last week, to close the huge monasteries in Rangoon that had become the focus of the protests, arresting and beating hundreds of monks and looting property, it was in a way certain to alienate many who had not marched but stood on the sidelines in this devoutly Buddhist country. 'There seems to have been a massive series of miscalculations,' says Farmaner. 'They did not anticipate how unpopular the increase in the fuel price would be.'
He added: 'The junta relies on its psychological grip on the population. It requires people to be afraid. But people kept coming out day after day. You can say that its grip is lessening.'
The junta has miscalculated in other ways as well. Although China last week blocked a strong resolution at the UN, it has made unusually strong remarks - strong by its diplomatic standards, that is, that have criticised its ally, perhaps mindful that in the year ahead of the Beijing Olympics it does not want to be seen as party to widespread bloodshed.
The Asean nations, not prone to condemning their own over human rights abuses, have spoken of their 'revulsion', while Japan, the biggest donor of humanitarian aid to Burma, has also apparently been galvanised against the regime after the death of a Japanese photographer. And while the junta has long ignored the condemnation of Washington and European capitals, and has survived under sanctions similar to President George Bush's new travel ban on 30 senior Burmese figures, it seems certain that local considerations will weigh more heavily.
What will be most critical will be the attitude of China. For what seems important is not that China has moved slowly but that China has moved at all. On Friday, Gordon Brown telephoned his Chinese counterpart, Wen Jiabao, to ask Beijing to use its influence to prevent further bloodshed. The previous day, Mr Bush conveyed a similar message in a meeting with the Chinese Foreign Minister, Yang Jiechi. US State Department officials, it has been claimed, have privately asked China to provide a safe haven for the junta to allow progress towards a peaceful political transition.
China supplies arms to Burma, part of the $1.3bn in goods it exported to its neighbour last year. China is also the main supplier of foreign goods, accounting for 34 per cent of Burma's imports. Hopes for a positive response are based on Beijing's increasingly pro-active diplomatic policy, despite usually preferring not to interfere in the affairs of other nations.
There are other internal risks for the Burmese regime. Armed ethnic groups that had been on ceasefire have been outraged by the violence last week and are angry at the junta's continued intransigence in pushing forward a new constitution that has ignored their demands.
So while the junta may have won for now, quite what the terms and scope of its victory are remain unclear.
'A Burmese said to me once that his country was hard on the outside and soft in the middle,' says Farmaner. 'I always thought if the junta was going to go it would be like one of the Eastern European ones, imploding rather than reforming itself away.'
This weekend the Burmese junta does not seem necessarily stronger, only more desperate.
How it started
5 August: Fuel prices rise
19 August: First protest marches in Rangoon - several dissidents arrested
21 September: Alliance of All Burmese Buddhist Monks emerges to co-ordinate the protests
22 September: Monks let through the barricades around the home of Aung San Suu Kyi
24 September: Tens of thousands march on Rangoon. Violent clashes as protesters are set upon by police. At least three deaths
25 September: Dusk-to-dawn curfew introduced
26 September: UN urges restraint by the junta after an emergency session, in which China vetoed sanctions
27 September: At least nine are shot dead in Rangoon
28 September: Special UN envoy arrives in Rangoon
Key questions
Q: Why do some people call it Burma and others Myanmar?
A: The ruling military junta changed the name from Burma to Myanmar in 1989, a year after up to 5,000 were killed in the suppression of a popular uprising (triggered by the government's decision to devalue the currency). Many countries and the UN accepted the name change but the UK, and opposition groups inside and outside Burma, don't recognise the legitimacy of the regime that changed the name.
Q: What sparked the protests?
A: On 15 August the government doubled the price of petrol and diesel, while the cost of compressed gas - used in buses - increased fivefold. It hit people hard, pushing up the cost of public transport, rice and cooking oil. Angry pro-democracy activists led the first demonstrations in Rangoon on 19 August and soon marches were being organised in several towns around the country.
Q: How did Buddhist monks get involved?
A: The clergy has traditionally been involved in protest movements - one of Burma's most revered historical leaders was a monk. Soldiers broke up a peaceful demo in Pakokku on 5 September, injuring three monks. The monks gave the government until 17 September to apologise and then began to protest in much greater numbers.
Q: Who is Aung San Suu Kyi?
A: The 62-year-old leader of the opposition National League for Democracy, which won the 1990 election by a landslide; she has spent more than 11 of the past 18 years in some form of detention. Presently under house arrest, she was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991. Daughter of independence hero General Aung San.
Special correspondents in Rangoon and Bangkok, Justin McCurry in Tokyo, Jonathan Watts in Beijing, Alex Duval Smith in Oslo
Sunday September 30, 2007
The Observer
After early optimism, a sense of hopelessness now exists in Rangoon. Communication to the outside world has been largely cut and, according to diplomats in the region, up to 200 protesters are dead. The official death count from the government is nine. But no one believes the government.
The maroon-clad Buddhist monks from the monasteries at Moe Gaung, Ngwe Kyar Yan and elsewhere, who marched in their thousands to give impetus to a new generation of Burmese protesters challenging decades of military rule, are locked up in prison or behind their monastery gates. Their monks' cells have been smashed, stained with their blood and looted. Those who escaped have taken off their robes and sought refuge disguised as laymen.
Parks, grocery stores and internet cafes are closed. Troops stand on every corner. By late yesterday a few hundred protesters - in contrast to the hundreds of thousands who flocked to the streets mid-week - were playing a game of cat- and-mouse with the military and pro-military thugs.
For now it has been left to a United Nations envoy, Ibrahim Gambari, to persuade the generals to use negotiations instead of guns to end mass protests against 45 years of military rule. 'He's the best hope we have. He is trusted on both sides,' Singapore Foreign Minister George Yeo said. 'If he fails, then the situation can become quite dreadful.'
It was a sense of despair that was reflected yesterday in Rangoon, the country's largest city and centre of gravity of the protests, which have faltered and failed under a hail of rubber bullets, tear gas and live rounds. 'I don't think that we have any more hope to win,' said a young woman who took part in a massive demonstration on Thursday that was broken up when troops opened fire into a crowd. She was separated from her boyfriend and has not seen him since. 'The monks are the ones who give us courage.'
'People are living in a state of fear and hate,' said another onlooker. 'A few days ago, everyone was friendly. Now no one wants to talk to strangers.'
But, perhaps, it is not the whole picture. For in Burma in these past two weeks of protests, two stories have emerged.
The first has been sharply visible in the images of the vast demonstrations against the military junta that have coalesced around Rangoon's symbolic centres of the Sule and Shwedagon pagodas, and the violent response of the regime.
It has been told in pictures of bloodshed and confrontation that have brought back bleak memories of the last time the Burmese people rose up to confront the military who have exercised a brutal monopoly on power for 45 long years. That was in 1988, when 3,000 people were murdered by the army in the violence that followed.
Most of all it has been a story of resistance that yesterday appeared to have concluded in defeat.
But there has been a second, more discreet story that has emerged. The most powerful weapons in the revolution, albeit one that has been crushed for now, were the worldwide web, Facebook and the blogs - in particular, those that fed the Burmese media network in Oslo that fed the world.
With the internet in Burma largely closed down, as activists in Norway concede, the powerful images that commanded the world's attention have become scraps of just a few seconds.
Still, the story has seeped out via hurried conversations in Rangoon and Mandalay, passed down the line to opposition groups in exile in Bangkok and on the Thai border. And what it has described is a sclerotic military regime that, while still brutal and controlling, has been struggling to impose the power it has for so long enjoyed.
It tells for the first time of cracks in the military command, of officers questioning the 'morality' of their orders and the self-interest of the generals in charge. 'There are differences in the rank and file of the army for the first time,' said one exiled trade union activist last week. They are focused, too, on tensions within an army and bureaucracy that has long shared the financial fruits of power with the junta's generals and who, after four decades, have begun to feel as excluded as the vast majority of Burma's people.
When Senior General Than Shwe began the relocation of Burma's administrative capital to Naypyidaw - the 'Abode of the Gods' - in November 2005 the move was put down by some to folly and superstition. The reality, however, of the relocation of Burma's ministries and military headquarters to this area of tropical scrub, 200 miles distant from Rangoon, was more prosaic.
A military dictatorship once confident of its ability to frighten the population had, in fact, become something close to being afraid itself, of its own people. It was a time of transformation in Burma - of changes that in large measure would lead directly to the showdown between the military and the Burmese people that began in the middle of August.
For there were consequences to the move that the generals could have anticipated. Transferring the entire government machinery to Naypyidaw has been a huge drain on public finances already stretched to breaking point in one of the world's poorest countries. So, too, has been the cost of maintaining the 375,000-strong army, which has nearly doubled in size over the past decade.
The folly of the move to Naypyidaw has impoverished an already poor population in a land where government pensions are virtually worthless. One of the critical engines of the protests has been the cost of living.
The move had other critical consequences. For as well as seeing the centre of power being shifted away, the centre of gravity within the regime was also being shunted. 'The junta used to be a dictatorship by committee,' says Mark Farmaner of the Burma Campaign UK. 'But around the same time as the move it began to become more of a traditional dictatorship centred around General Than Shwe. The military intelligence chief, General Khin Nyunt, was put under house arrest, and the balance of power with Vice Senior General Maung Aye that existed between the three generals began evolving around 2004 into the accumulation by Than Shwe of more power for himself and a few cronies.'
The shift in power within Burma's junta was reflected in another important aspect, according to opposition figures in the Burmese government in exile. Where once the generals had been careful to command the loyalty of the military by distributing the benefits of dictatorship among them, Than Shwe began concentrating the benefits of power in the same tight circle.
And if a symbol for the physical remoteness and greed of the evolving new regime under Than Shwe was required, it was supplied in a desperately miscalculated act: the wedding in Rangoon last year of his daughter, a 10-minute video of which was leaked to the outside world. Viewers were offended not only by the extravagance of the event, in which Thandar Shwe and her bridegroom, Major Zaw Phyo Win, a deputy director at the Ministry of Commerce, were showered with expensive gifts, including luxury cars, houses and jewellery, but also by its utter lack of taste.
It was not simply the widely claimed $50m in gifts lavished on the bride that was symbolic. The diabetic Than Shwe, then 75, looked frail. Less visible things were happening to the regime as it settled into its new headquarters. Reports of desertions from a military no longer an elite apart began to emerge; a report leaked to Jane's suggested that many of its battalions were suffering manpower problems. Persistent reports began to emerge of criticism of the leadership even among the officer classes. 'There was a lieutenant-colonel out of the country who said the Americans should bomb Naypyidaw,' recalls Zaw Tung, an official with the Federation of Trade Unions of Burma, which was among the organisers of the recent protests and a victim of the crackdown.
Signs of dissent within the military have also been reported by Zin Lin, an official with the Burmese government in exile. 'We have heard reports from inside the country of places where soldiers are not following orders to fire on demonstrators, including in Mandalay where they refused an order to fire on monks.'
But there are more intriguing claims emerging that appear to contradict the narrative of the democracy movement being snuffed out without any gain in the last few days. Among them is the claim in Irrawaddy news magazine that the bubbling dissent within the armed forces has led to a serious falling out between the head of the army, Vice Senior General Maung Aye, and Than Shwe over the response to the demonstrations.
Farmaner's organisation has heard the same accounts. And if he is certain of one thing, it is that Than Shwe, secluded in his new capital, made a series of potentially disastrous miscalculations, beginning with the decision to increase the price of fuel by 500 per cent, leading to the first demonstration on 19 August. By the junta's own standards, it seemed slow and confused about how to respond to the fuel protests and then to the mass revulsion that followed the beating of two monks by the security forces.
When it did use violence last week, to close the huge monasteries in Rangoon that had become the focus of the protests, arresting and beating hundreds of monks and looting property, it was in a way certain to alienate many who had not marched but stood on the sidelines in this devoutly Buddhist country. 'There seems to have been a massive series of miscalculations,' says Farmaner. 'They did not anticipate how unpopular the increase in the fuel price would be.'
He added: 'The junta relies on its psychological grip on the population. It requires people to be afraid. But people kept coming out day after day. You can say that its grip is lessening.'
The junta has miscalculated in other ways as well. Although China last week blocked a strong resolution at the UN, it has made unusually strong remarks - strong by its diplomatic standards, that is, that have criticised its ally, perhaps mindful that in the year ahead of the Beijing Olympics it does not want to be seen as party to widespread bloodshed.
The Asean nations, not prone to condemning their own over human rights abuses, have spoken of their 'revulsion', while Japan, the biggest donor of humanitarian aid to Burma, has also apparently been galvanised against the regime after the death of a Japanese photographer. And while the junta has long ignored the condemnation of Washington and European capitals, and has survived under sanctions similar to President George Bush's new travel ban on 30 senior Burmese figures, it seems certain that local considerations will weigh more heavily.
What will be most critical will be the attitude of China. For what seems important is not that China has moved slowly but that China has moved at all. On Friday, Gordon Brown telephoned his Chinese counterpart, Wen Jiabao, to ask Beijing to use its influence to prevent further bloodshed. The previous day, Mr Bush conveyed a similar message in a meeting with the Chinese Foreign Minister, Yang Jiechi. US State Department officials, it has been claimed, have privately asked China to provide a safe haven for the junta to allow progress towards a peaceful political transition.
China supplies arms to Burma, part of the $1.3bn in goods it exported to its neighbour last year. China is also the main supplier of foreign goods, accounting for 34 per cent of Burma's imports. Hopes for a positive response are based on Beijing's increasingly pro-active diplomatic policy, despite usually preferring not to interfere in the affairs of other nations.
There are other internal risks for the Burmese regime. Armed ethnic groups that had been on ceasefire have been outraged by the violence last week and are angry at the junta's continued intransigence in pushing forward a new constitution that has ignored their demands.
So while the junta may have won for now, quite what the terms and scope of its victory are remain unclear.
'A Burmese said to me once that his country was hard on the outside and soft in the middle,' says Farmaner. 'I always thought if the junta was going to go it would be like one of the Eastern European ones, imploding rather than reforming itself away.'
This weekend the Burmese junta does not seem necessarily stronger, only more desperate.
How it started
5 August: Fuel prices rise
19 August: First protest marches in Rangoon - several dissidents arrested
21 September: Alliance of All Burmese Buddhist Monks emerges to co-ordinate the protests
22 September: Monks let through the barricades around the home of Aung San Suu Kyi
24 September: Tens of thousands march on Rangoon. Violent clashes as protesters are set upon by police. At least three deaths
25 September: Dusk-to-dawn curfew introduced
26 September: UN urges restraint by the junta after an emergency session, in which China vetoed sanctions
27 September: At least nine are shot dead in Rangoon
28 September: Special UN envoy arrives in Rangoon
Key questions
Q: Why do some people call it Burma and others Myanmar?
A: The ruling military junta changed the name from Burma to Myanmar in 1989, a year after up to 5,000 were killed in the suppression of a popular uprising (triggered by the government's decision to devalue the currency). Many countries and the UN accepted the name change but the UK, and opposition groups inside and outside Burma, don't recognise the legitimacy of the regime that changed the name.
Q: What sparked the protests?
A: On 15 August the government doubled the price of petrol and diesel, while the cost of compressed gas - used in buses - increased fivefold. It hit people hard, pushing up the cost of public transport, rice and cooking oil. Angry pro-democracy activists led the first demonstrations in Rangoon on 19 August and soon marches were being organised in several towns around the country.
Q: How did Buddhist monks get involved?
A: The clergy has traditionally been involved in protest movements - one of Burma's most revered historical leaders was a monk. Soldiers broke up a peaceful demo in Pakokku on 5 September, injuring three monks. The monks gave the government until 17 September to apologise and then began to protest in much greater numbers.
Q: Who is Aung San Suu Kyi?
A: The 62-year-old leader of the opposition National League for Democracy, which won the 1990 election by a landslide; she has spent more than 11 of the past 18 years in some form of detention. Presently under house arrest, she was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991. Daughter of independence hero General Aung San.
Saturday, September 29, 2007
Junta continues crackdown on monks overnight
Independent Mon News Agency: September 29, 2007
The Burmese military junta continued to crackdown on monks involved in the protests overnight, while the regime controlled MRTV said stability had been restored in Rangoon (Yangon).
The army raided monasteries in Tharketa last night and residents said many monks were arrested.
"From what I know the troops have been cracking down on monks from one quarter to another each night," a resident in South Okkalapa.
"We have to patrol all night to avoid being arrested. Many monks are fleeing to evade arrest. They dare not sleep inside the temples," a monk in Rangoon said.
Many people sleep in the temple. At least two temples were raided by troops last night.
"They came in to temple and started beating up monks. They don't care whether one is involved in the protest or not. They just beat you," a monk said.
Last night the riot police raided the 108 Monastery in Tharketa. No monks were arrested because they had avoided sleeping in the monastery. But they (troops) searched everything and looted about two million Kyats kept in the temple.
"The protests have weakened because troops have locked the temples preventing monks from going out. Now there are fewer monks involved in the protests," a resident said.
Every temple is under close watch and the troops that raiding the temples do not understand the Burmese language because they are from Kachin State.
In southern Burma and Pegu (Bago) monks were forced to go home and protests stopped.
The Burmese military junta continued to crackdown on monks involved in the protests overnight, while the regime controlled MRTV said stability had been restored in Rangoon (Yangon).
The army raided monasteries in Tharketa last night and residents said many monks were arrested.
"From what I know the troops have been cracking down on monks from one quarter to another each night," a resident in South Okkalapa.
"We have to patrol all night to avoid being arrested. Many monks are fleeing to evade arrest. They dare not sleep inside the temples," a monk in Rangoon said.
Many people sleep in the temple. At least two temples were raided by troops last night.
"They came in to temple and started beating up monks. They don't care whether one is involved in the protest or not. They just beat you," a monk said.
Last night the riot police raided the 108 Monastery in Tharketa. No monks were arrested because they had avoided sleeping in the monastery. But they (troops) searched everything and looted about two million Kyats kept in the temple.
"The protests have weakened because troops have locked the temples preventing monks from going out. Now there are fewer monks involved in the protests," a resident said.
Every temple is under close watch and the troops that raiding the temples do not understand the Burmese language because they are from Kachin State.
In southern Burma and Pegu (Bago) monks were forced to go home and protests stopped.
Where the world stands on Burma
BBC : Friday, 28 September 2007, 15:34 GMT 16:34 UK
Where the world stands on Burma
As governments around the world consider how to respond to the protests in Burma, the BBC News website looks at the aims and influence of key Western and Asian players.
ASEAN
Relationship: The Association of South East Asian Nations (Asean) has in the past appeared reluctant to condemn a fellow member but member-states appear increasingly uneasy. Asean foreign ministers meeting in New York urged the Burmese authorities to halt violence against the demonstrators.
Interests: Concern to preserve the unity of the regional bloc needs to be balanced against the desire for regional stability, and pressure from Western countries that wish to secure Asean support for action against the military regime in Rangoon.
Comment: "We hope that the Myanmar [Burmese] authorities and all other parties in Myanmar will appreciate the broader implications of their actions on the region as a whole and act accordingly." Singapore foreign ministry, current Asean chair
CHINA
Relationship: A close trading and diplomatic relationship it is seen as the country with the strongest potential to influence events in Burma. It has blocked UN sanctions against Burma but recently called for "restraint" by "all" parties.
Interests: Burma's oil and gas reserves are important for a rapidly developing and energy-hungry China but, as a regional power, Beijing also has an interest in ensuring that events in Burma do not lead to regional instability.
Comment: "China hopes that all parties in Myanmar exercise restraint and properly handle the current issue so as to ensure the situation there does not escalate and get complicated, and does not influence the stability of Myanmar and the peace and stability of the region." Chinese foreign ministry
EUROPEAN UNION
Relationship: While conscious of its lack of leverage over Burma, it is urging India, China and Asean to take a tougher line. Some sanctions are already in place. In 1996 the EU banned arms sales and expelled military attaches, and it froze the assets of individuals within the junta. It withdrew preferential trade status from Burma and subsequently cut off all non-humanitarian aid to the country. European Parliamentary deputies have called on the EU to work with the US and Asean to prepare measures against the Burmese government, including targeted sanctions.
Interests: Relatively few economic interests in Burma but France remains a major investor, with a joint gas project between the US firm Chevron and French Total.
Comment: "China is the puppet-master of Burma. The Olympics is the only real lever we have to make China act. The civilised world must seriously consider shunning China by using the Beijing Olympics to send the clear message that such abuses of human rights are not acceptable." Edward McMillan-Scott, vice-president of the European Parliament
INDIA
Relationship: It has close economic and diplomatic ties with Burma. It has expressed concern over the current crisis but generally maintains a careful silence over the situation, describing it as an internal affair of Burma. Former Defence Minister George Fernandez has described India's current position as "disgusting".
Interests: India is concerned above all with protecting its oil interests in Burma, signing a new deep-water exploration deal in the same week that protests got under way. India also sells arms to the military regime in Rangoon. But as the world's most populous democracy, India is under pressure from the West and from activists at home to take a stronger stand in support of democratic forces in Burma.
Comment: "As a close and friendly neighbour, India hopes to see a peaceful, stable and prosperous Myanmar, where all sections of the people will be included in a broad-based process of national reconciliation and political reform." Indian Foreign Minister Pranab Mukherjee
RUSSIA
Relationship: While Russia is much less important than China as an ally and trading partner to Burma, Moscow has stood beside Beijing in opposing any attempts to bring foreign pressure to bear on the Burmese government.
Interests: Earlier this year Burma and Russia signed a deal that could lead to the construction of a Russian nuclear research reactor in Burma. Last year, Moscow offered fighter jets and air defence systems to Rangoon in exchange for access to Burmese oil. Russian commentators have suggested that a change of government in Rangoon would bring in an administration more susceptible to Western influence than the incumbents.
Comment: "We consider any attempts to use the latest developments to exercise outside pressure or interference in the domestic affairs of this sovereign state to be counterproductive. We still believe that the processes under way in Burma do not threaten international and regional peace and security." Russian foreign ministry
UNITED KINGDOM
Relationship: The UK's status as the former colonial power does not give it any particular influence as economic links have declined and London - in common with other Western governments - has been vocal in its condemnation of the military government.
Interests: The UK once had major interests in petroleum in Burma but no longer has any large-scale investment in the country. British companies continue to do business in Burma, with hardwoods being an important import. Campaigners have complained that UK government policy on trade with Burma is vague and not enforced.
Comment: "I want to see all the pressures of the world put on this regime now - sanctions, the pressure of the UN, pressure from China and all the countries in the region, India, pressure from the whole of the world." UK Prime Minister Gordon Brown
UNITED STATES
Relationship: Washington has called for political change in Burma and expressed support for the recent protests. In 1997 the US banned new investment in Burma, and in 2003 it banned most Burmese imports and dollar transactions. It has announced it will impose further sanctions against 14 senior officials in Burma's government, including the country's acting prime minister and defence minister. But in common with the other Western countries, the US realises its influence is weak when compared to that of China, India and Asean.
Interests: As a result of sanctions few economic interests remain, a major exception being the US share in the Chevron-Total gas project.
Comment: "The world is watching the people of Burma take to the streets to demand their freedom and the American people stand in solidarity with these brave individuals." US President George W Bush
Where the world stands on Burma
As governments around the world consider how to respond to the protests in Burma, the BBC News website looks at the aims and influence of key Western and Asian players.
ASEAN
Relationship: The Association of South East Asian Nations (Asean) has in the past appeared reluctant to condemn a fellow member but member-states appear increasingly uneasy. Asean foreign ministers meeting in New York urged the Burmese authorities to halt violence against the demonstrators.
Interests: Concern to preserve the unity of the regional bloc needs to be balanced against the desire for regional stability, and pressure from Western countries that wish to secure Asean support for action against the military regime in Rangoon.
Comment: "We hope that the Myanmar [Burmese] authorities and all other parties in Myanmar will appreciate the broader implications of their actions on the region as a whole and act accordingly." Singapore foreign ministry, current Asean chair
CHINA
Relationship: A close trading and diplomatic relationship it is seen as the country with the strongest potential to influence events in Burma. It has blocked UN sanctions against Burma but recently called for "restraint" by "all" parties.
Interests: Burma's oil and gas reserves are important for a rapidly developing and energy-hungry China but, as a regional power, Beijing also has an interest in ensuring that events in Burma do not lead to regional instability.
Comment: "China hopes that all parties in Myanmar exercise restraint and properly handle the current issue so as to ensure the situation there does not escalate and get complicated, and does not influence the stability of Myanmar and the peace and stability of the region." Chinese foreign ministry
EUROPEAN UNION
Relationship: While conscious of its lack of leverage over Burma, it is urging India, China and Asean to take a tougher line. Some sanctions are already in place. In 1996 the EU banned arms sales and expelled military attaches, and it froze the assets of individuals within the junta. It withdrew preferential trade status from Burma and subsequently cut off all non-humanitarian aid to the country. European Parliamentary deputies have called on the EU to work with the US and Asean to prepare measures against the Burmese government, including targeted sanctions.
Interests: Relatively few economic interests in Burma but France remains a major investor, with a joint gas project between the US firm Chevron and French Total.
Comment: "China is the puppet-master of Burma. The Olympics is the only real lever we have to make China act. The civilised world must seriously consider shunning China by using the Beijing Olympics to send the clear message that such abuses of human rights are not acceptable." Edward McMillan-Scott, vice-president of the European Parliament
INDIA
Relationship: It has close economic and diplomatic ties with Burma. It has expressed concern over the current crisis but generally maintains a careful silence over the situation, describing it as an internal affair of Burma. Former Defence Minister George Fernandez has described India's current position as "disgusting".
Interests: India is concerned above all with protecting its oil interests in Burma, signing a new deep-water exploration deal in the same week that protests got under way. India also sells arms to the military regime in Rangoon. But as the world's most populous democracy, India is under pressure from the West and from activists at home to take a stronger stand in support of democratic forces in Burma.
Comment: "As a close and friendly neighbour, India hopes to see a peaceful, stable and prosperous Myanmar, where all sections of the people will be included in a broad-based process of national reconciliation and political reform." Indian Foreign Minister Pranab Mukherjee
RUSSIA
Relationship: While Russia is much less important than China as an ally and trading partner to Burma, Moscow has stood beside Beijing in opposing any attempts to bring foreign pressure to bear on the Burmese government.
Interests: Earlier this year Burma and Russia signed a deal that could lead to the construction of a Russian nuclear research reactor in Burma. Last year, Moscow offered fighter jets and air defence systems to Rangoon in exchange for access to Burmese oil. Russian commentators have suggested that a change of government in Rangoon would bring in an administration more susceptible to Western influence than the incumbents.
Comment: "We consider any attempts to use the latest developments to exercise outside pressure or interference in the domestic affairs of this sovereign state to be counterproductive. We still believe that the processes under way in Burma do not threaten international and regional peace and security." Russian foreign ministry
UNITED KINGDOM
Relationship: The UK's status as the former colonial power does not give it any particular influence as economic links have declined and London - in common with other Western governments - has been vocal in its condemnation of the military government.
Interests: The UK once had major interests in petroleum in Burma but no longer has any large-scale investment in the country. British companies continue to do business in Burma, with hardwoods being an important import. Campaigners have complained that UK government policy on trade with Burma is vague and not enforced.
Comment: "I want to see all the pressures of the world put on this regime now - sanctions, the pressure of the UN, pressure from China and all the countries in the region, India, pressure from the whole of the world." UK Prime Minister Gordon Brown
UNITED STATES
Relationship: Washington has called for political change in Burma and expressed support for the recent protests. In 1997 the US banned new investment in Burma, and in 2003 it banned most Burmese imports and dollar transactions. It has announced it will impose further sanctions against 14 senior officials in Burma's government, including the country's acting prime minister and defence minister. But in common with the other Western countries, the US realises its influence is weak when compared to that of China, India and Asean.
Interests: As a result of sanctions few economic interests remain, a major exception being the US share in the Chevron-Total gas project.
Comment: "The world is watching the people of Burma take to the streets to demand their freedom and the American people stand in solidarity with these brave individuals." US President George W Bush
ဗန္းေမာ္ေထာင္မွာ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ား အစာငတ္ခံ ဆႏၵျပေန
မ်ဳိးႀကီး (မဇၩိမသတင္းဌာန)
စက္တင္ဘာလ ၂၉ ရက္၊ ၂ဝဝ၇ ခုႏွစ္။
ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ ဗန္းေမာ္ၿမ့ဳိ အက်ဥ္းေထာင္တြင္ ဖမ္းဆီး ခံထားရသည့္ သံဃာေတာ္ အပါး ၃ဝ ေက်ာ္သည္ ဆြမ္းဘုန္းမေပးဘဲ အစာငတ္ခံ ဆႏၵျပေနသျဖင့္ ၂၇ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ အျခားေထာင္မ်ားသို႔ ေျပာင္းေ႐ႊ႕ လူစုခဲြလိုက္ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္ ၂၅ ရက္ေန႔ညက ဗန္းေမာ္ၿမ့ဳိရိွ ေက်ာင္းတိုက္ ေပါင္းစံုကို စစ္အာဏာပိုင္မ်ားက အတင္းအဓမၼ ဝင္ေရာက္ကာ သံဃာေတာ္ ၁ဝ၈ ပါးကို ဖမ္းဆီးခဲ့ကာ အတင္းအက်ပ္ လူဝတ္လဲ၍ အက်ဥ္းေထာင္ထဲသို႔ ခ်ဳပ္ေႏွာင္ ထားရွိလိုက္ကတည္းက သံဃာအပါး ၃ဝ ေက်ာ္သည္ ဆြမ္းမစားဘဲ အစာငတ္ခံ ဆႏၵျပခဲ့ကာ အျခား သံဃာအပါး ၁ဝဝ ေက်ာ္ကလည္း ပရိတ္ ရြတ္ဖတ္ေနသျဖင့္ ယခုလ ၂၇ ရက္ေန႔ညတြင္ ဗန္းေမာ္ခ႐ိုင္ အတြင္းရွိ မိုးေမာက္ႏွင့္ မန္စီၿမ့ဳိနယ္ စစ္တပ္ အခ်ဳပ္မ်ားသို႔ လူစုခြဲ ပို႔ေဆာင္လိုက္ျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။
“အဲဒီလို ဆြမ္းမစားၾကဘူး။ ပရိတ္ေတြ ရြတ္ၾကေတာ့ ၂၇ ရက္ေန႔ ညပိုင္းက မွန္လံုကားေတြနဲ႔ ခြဲၿပီး ဗန္းေမာ္ခ႐ိုင္ထဲမွာပါတဲ့ မန္စီနဲ႔ မိုးေမာက္ၿမ့ဳိေတြက စစ္တပ္ အခ်ဳပ္ေတြကို ခြဲပို႔လိုက္တယ္လို႔ သူတို႔ ေထာင္က ဝန္ထမ္းေတြက အေဒၚတို႔ကို ေျပာျပတယ္ေလ” ဟု အက်ဥ္းက်ခံ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ား၏ မိသားစု အသိုင္းအဝိုင္းက မဇၩိမကို ေျပာသည္။
ဗန္းေမာ္ၿမ့ဳိတြင္ ၂၅ ရက္ေန႔မွ ၂၈ ရက္ေန႔အထိ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားကို အာဏာပိုင္မ်ားက ႐ိုက္ႏွက္ ဖမ္းဆီးမႈမ်ား ဆက္တိုက္ ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္းႏွင့္ ၂၅ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ ေဒသခံ ၆ ဦးပါ ဖမ္းဆီး ခံခဲ့ရေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
“ဖမ္းၾကတာ ရက္ရက္စက္စက္ကို လုပ္တာ။ ဗန္းေမာ္ မင္းမႏိုင္ ရပ္ကြက္မွာ ရပ္ကြက္ထဲက ဒကာေတြက ျမသပိတ္ ေပါက္လို႔ဆိုၿပီး ဘုန္းၾကီးေတြကို အိမ္ေခၚၿပီး ဆြမ္းကပ္တာ။ ဆြမ္းစားေနတာကို အတင္း ဝင္ဆြဲရမ္းၿပီး ဝင္ဖမ္းၾကတာပါကြယ္။ သံဃာတပါးဆို သဃၤန္းေတြကို အတင္း ဆြဲခၽြတ္ၿပီး ဝင္ဖမ္းၾကတာ” ဟု ေဒသခံ အမ်ဳိးသမီး တဦးက ေျပာသည္။
ဗန္းေမာ္ၿမ့ဳိ အန္အယ္ဒီ လႊတ္ေတာ္ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ ကဗ်ာဆရာႀကီး ဗန္းေမာ္ၫိဳႏြဲ႔ကိုလည္း အက်ဥ္းေထာင္မွ ရဲစခန္း အခ်ဳပ္သို႔ ေျပာင္းေ႐ႊ႕လိုက္ေၾကာင္း သိရွိရေသာ္လည္း အျခား ဖမ္းဆီး ခံထားရသူမ်ား၏ အေျခအေနကိုမူ စံုစမ္း၍ မရေသးဘဲ ျဖစ္ေနသည္။
စက္တင္ဘာလ ၂၉ ရက္၊ ၂ဝဝ၇ ခုႏွစ္။
ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ ဗန္းေမာ္ၿမ့ဳိ အက်ဥ္းေထာင္တြင္ ဖမ္းဆီး ခံထားရသည့္ သံဃာေတာ္ အပါး ၃ဝ ေက်ာ္သည္ ဆြမ္းဘုန္းမေပးဘဲ အစာငတ္ခံ ဆႏၵျပေနသျဖင့္ ၂၇ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ အျခားေထာင္မ်ားသို႔ ေျပာင္းေ႐ႊ႕ လူစုခဲြလိုက္ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္ ၂၅ ရက္ေန႔ညက ဗန္းေမာ္ၿမ့ဳိရိွ ေက်ာင္းတိုက္ ေပါင္းစံုကို စစ္အာဏာပိုင္မ်ားက အတင္းအဓမၼ ဝင္ေရာက္ကာ သံဃာေတာ္ ၁ဝ၈ ပါးကို ဖမ္းဆီးခဲ့ကာ အတင္းအက်ပ္ လူဝတ္လဲ၍ အက်ဥ္းေထာင္ထဲသို႔ ခ်ဳပ္ေႏွာင္ ထားရွိလိုက္ကတည္းက သံဃာအပါး ၃ဝ ေက်ာ္သည္ ဆြမ္းမစားဘဲ အစာငတ္ခံ ဆႏၵျပခဲ့ကာ အျခား သံဃာအပါး ၁ဝဝ ေက်ာ္ကလည္း ပရိတ္ ရြတ္ဖတ္ေနသျဖင့္ ယခုလ ၂၇ ရက္ေန႔ညတြင္ ဗန္းေမာ္ခ႐ိုင္ အတြင္းရွိ မိုးေမာက္ႏွင့္ မန္စီၿမ့ဳိနယ္ စစ္တပ္ အခ်ဳပ္မ်ားသို႔ လူစုခြဲ ပို႔ေဆာင္လိုက္ျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။
“အဲဒီလို ဆြမ္းမစားၾကဘူး။ ပရိတ္ေတြ ရြတ္ၾကေတာ့ ၂၇ ရက္ေန႔ ညပိုင္းက မွန္လံုကားေတြနဲ႔ ခြဲၿပီး ဗန္းေမာ္ခ႐ိုင္ထဲမွာပါတဲ့ မန္စီနဲ႔ မိုးေမာက္ၿမ့ဳိေတြက စစ္တပ္ အခ်ဳပ္ေတြကို ခြဲပို႔လိုက္တယ္လို႔ သူတို႔ ေထာင္က ဝန္ထမ္းေတြက အေဒၚတို႔ကို ေျပာျပတယ္ေလ” ဟု အက်ဥ္းက်ခံ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ား၏ မိသားစု အသိုင္းအဝိုင္းက မဇၩိမကို ေျပာသည္။
ဗန္းေမာ္ၿမ့ဳိတြင္ ၂၅ ရက္ေန႔မွ ၂၈ ရက္ေန႔အထိ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားကို အာဏာပိုင္မ်ားက ႐ိုက္ႏွက္ ဖမ္းဆီးမႈမ်ား ဆက္တိုက္ ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္းႏွင့္ ၂၅ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ ေဒသခံ ၆ ဦးပါ ဖမ္းဆီး ခံခဲ့ရေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
“ဖမ္းၾကတာ ရက္ရက္စက္စက္ကို လုပ္တာ။ ဗန္းေမာ္ မင္းမႏိုင္ ရပ္ကြက္မွာ ရပ္ကြက္ထဲက ဒကာေတြက ျမသပိတ္ ေပါက္လို႔ဆိုၿပီး ဘုန္းၾကီးေတြကို အိမ္ေခၚၿပီး ဆြမ္းကပ္တာ။ ဆြမ္းစားေနတာကို အတင္း ဝင္ဆြဲရမ္းၿပီး ဝင္ဖမ္းၾကတာပါကြယ္။ သံဃာတပါးဆို သဃၤန္းေတြကို အတင္း ဆြဲခၽြတ္ၿပီး ဝင္ဖမ္းၾကတာ” ဟု ေဒသခံ အမ်ဳိးသမီး တဦးက ေျပာသည္။
ဗန္းေမာ္ၿမ့ဳိ အန္အယ္ဒီ လႊတ္ေတာ္ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ ကဗ်ာဆရာႀကီး ဗန္းေမာ္ၫိဳႏြဲ႔ကိုလည္း အက်ဥ္းေထာင္မွ ရဲစခန္း အခ်ဳပ္သို႔ ေျပာင္းေ႐ႊ႕လိုက္ေၾကာင္း သိရွိရေသာ္လည္း အျခား ဖမ္းဆီး ခံထားရသူမ်ား၏ အေျခအေနကိုမူ စံုစမ္း၍ မရေသးဘဲ ျဖစ္ေနသည္။
Thai Buddhists plead for peaceful transformation in Burma
Thai Buddhists plead for peaceful transformation in Burma
Prachatai
28 September 2007
News
A network of Buddhist monks, nuns and lay people has submitted a letter of petition to the Sangha Administrative Council of Thailand demanding that they show support for the cessation of the use of violent suppression against hundreds of thousands of Buddhists protesting against the military junta in Burma.
Here is the statement submitted to the Acting Supreme Patriarch at Wat Saket, Bangkok.
Committee of the Sangha Administrative Council of Thailand
Your Excellency,
With reference to the peaceful protests led by tens of thousands of Burmese Buddhists in Rangoon in recent weeks against the military junta, the international community, led by the United Nations, has demanded that the Burmese authorities refrain from using violence against the demonstrators; even so, violence has been inflicted on Buddhist monks and people, many of whom have lost their lives from the use of military force.
The Thai and Burmese Sangha have had a long history of prominence in the region for the propagation of Theravada Buddhism, as the celebration of the 25th Buddhist Millennium was organized in Rangoon. Thai Buddhist monks themselves have benefited from both academic and meditation training from the Sangha in Burma. Moreover, according to ancient Thai scriptures, senior Buddhist monks belonging to the Ramnaya Nikaya Sect in Burma made a significant contribution that made possible the declaration of independence of Ayutthaya by King Naresuan.
Even though direct intervention in politics by Buddhist monks, such as demonstrations, has to be done cautiously, their moral intervention to foster non-violence is much desired. In ancient times, the Buddha himself intervened directly in order to mediate major conflicts, and some interventions were fruitful and helped to alleviate bloodshed.
Buddhika is a network of hundreds of Buddhist monks, nuns and lay people who have attempted to apply Buddhist teachings to social and environmental causes over the past seven years. Together with various civil society organizations in Thailand, we deem that Thai Buddhists are obliged to intervene for peaceful transformation in Burma, a neighbouring country which shares with us long spiritual and historical roots.
As the supreme administrative body of the Thai Sangha, we would like to call on you to make your position and proper intervention vis-à-vis the current situation in Burma. We should make known to people the world over our desire to see the end of violent and deadly suppression against peace-loving Buddhist monks and lay people in Burma.
We look forward to your kind consideration.
Yours faithfully,
The Buddhika Network (http://budnet.info/)
27 September 2007
Translated by Pipob Udomittipong
Prachatai
28 September 2007
News
A network of Buddhist monks, nuns and lay people has submitted a letter of petition to the Sangha Administrative Council of Thailand demanding that they show support for the cessation of the use of violent suppression against hundreds of thousands of Buddhists protesting against the military junta in Burma.
Here is the statement submitted to the Acting Supreme Patriarch at Wat Saket, Bangkok.
Committee of the Sangha Administrative Council of Thailand
Your Excellency,
With reference to the peaceful protests led by tens of thousands of Burmese Buddhists in Rangoon in recent weeks against the military junta, the international community, led by the United Nations, has demanded that the Burmese authorities refrain from using violence against the demonstrators; even so, violence has been inflicted on Buddhist monks and people, many of whom have lost their lives from the use of military force.
The Thai and Burmese Sangha have had a long history of prominence in the region for the propagation of Theravada Buddhism, as the celebration of the 25th Buddhist Millennium was organized in Rangoon. Thai Buddhist monks themselves have benefited from both academic and meditation training from the Sangha in Burma. Moreover, according to ancient Thai scriptures, senior Buddhist monks belonging to the Ramnaya Nikaya Sect in Burma made a significant contribution that made possible the declaration of independence of Ayutthaya by King Naresuan.
Even though direct intervention in politics by Buddhist monks, such as demonstrations, has to be done cautiously, their moral intervention to foster non-violence is much desired. In ancient times, the Buddha himself intervened directly in order to mediate major conflicts, and some interventions were fruitful and helped to alleviate bloodshed.
Buddhika is a network of hundreds of Buddhist monks, nuns and lay people who have attempted to apply Buddhist teachings to social and environmental causes over the past seven years. Together with various civil society organizations in Thailand, we deem that Thai Buddhists are obliged to intervene for peaceful transformation in Burma, a neighbouring country which shares with us long spiritual and historical roots.
As the supreme administrative body of the Thai Sangha, we would like to call on you to make your position and proper intervention vis-à-vis the current situation in Burma. We should make known to people the world over our desire to see the end of violent and deadly suppression against peace-loving Buddhist monks and lay people in Burma.
We look forward to your kind consideration.
Yours faithfully,
The Buddhika Network (http://budnet.info/)
27 September 2007
Translated by Pipob Udomittipong
Opposing forces: The generals and the monks
Randeep Ramesh in New Delhi
Friday September 28, 2007
The Guardian
The man who would be king
It is a shadowy, eccentric junta that rules Burma. Led by General Than Swe, a high-school dropout who has pretensions to being the country's next monarch, the army spreads paranoia and fear.
Gen Swe's ambitions first surfaced in 2005 when he emerged as the driving force behind the bizarre decision to move the national capital 400km north from Rangoon to Naypyidaw - which means Abode of Kings - in 2005. From behind a heavily fortified compound, rising out of thick tropical scrub, emerge persistent rumours that the country's long-abolished monarchy would be reconstituted. Than Swe would become king.
Article continues
Seen as clever and superstitious, Gen Swe's reputation became tabloid fodder when a video of his daughter's wedding began to circulate on the internet. The footage shows Thandar Shwe covered in diamond-encrusted jewellery and designer clothing. She received wedding gifts worth $50m (£25m)- in a country where per capita income is $200 a year.
In Burma's intensely hierarchical system, the 74-year-old is the paramount leader. His ruthless streak is such that he toppled his prime minister Khin Nyunt in 2004 because he was seen as becoming too "pragmatic" when dealing with pro-democracy activists.
The only man considered more hardline than Gen Swe in Burma is his deputy: 69-year-old Gen Maung Aye. He made his name in a reign of terror against ethnic minorities and communists. Gen Swe has spent most of the last few years cultivating the third in line, Gen Swe Mann. Significantly, the prime minister, Lt Gen Soe Win, is thought to be terminally ill in a Singapore hospital.
The army can call on almost 500,000 troops and the official line is that only the military can bind the country together and develop its economy. The leadership has just finished a national convention, the first of seven promised steps to democracy. This event began in 1993 and the result is a constitution that guarantees the military control over the cabinet.
Revered challenger to regime
The Buddhist clergy are revered in Burma and represent the only institution that has not been co-opted by the military. There are an estimated half a million monks and novices in the country, comprising the sole organisation that compares to the armed forces in terms of scale.
The number of monks and nuns is so large because Burmese society expects every person to renounce material ways for at least seven days in their life. The Burmese often don robes for a few years, living without money and in a temple complex, before returning to more worldly pursuits. A monk survives by begging for alms.
The latest non-violent protest has seen the clergy boycott donations from the military regime, a serious loss of face in the country. The ban extends to refusing to conduct funeral and wedding services for soldiers and their families. More than 85% of Burmese people are Buddhists, with the poor being among the most faithful adherents - because temple monks run the only schools in rural areas. Monasteries also often provide money for medicines and offer meals for the destitute.
Priests have a long history of joining the country's political struggles, from the fight against British colonial rule to the pro-democracy uprising in 1988 that was crushed by the army.
The impoverishment of Burma has been the spark that appears to have lit the conscience of the religious orders. Monks have demanded an instant reduction in fuel prices, the release of political prisoners including Aung San Suu Kyi, and a swift move to democracy.
Formation of the All Burma Monks Alliance, whose leadership is unknown, to head the non-violent protest is a sign that the clergy is again prepared to take on the country's leaders in the name of freedom.
Friday September 28, 2007
The Guardian
The man who would be king
It is a shadowy, eccentric junta that rules Burma. Led by General Than Swe, a high-school dropout who has pretensions to being the country's next monarch, the army spreads paranoia and fear.
Gen Swe's ambitions first surfaced in 2005 when he emerged as the driving force behind the bizarre decision to move the national capital 400km north from Rangoon to Naypyidaw - which means Abode of Kings - in 2005. From behind a heavily fortified compound, rising out of thick tropical scrub, emerge persistent rumours that the country's long-abolished monarchy would be reconstituted. Than Swe would become king.
Article continues
Seen as clever and superstitious, Gen Swe's reputation became tabloid fodder when a video of his daughter's wedding began to circulate on the internet. The footage shows Thandar Shwe covered in diamond-encrusted jewellery and designer clothing. She received wedding gifts worth $50m (£25m)- in a country where per capita income is $200 a year.
In Burma's intensely hierarchical system, the 74-year-old is the paramount leader. His ruthless streak is such that he toppled his prime minister Khin Nyunt in 2004 because he was seen as becoming too "pragmatic" when dealing with pro-democracy activists.
The only man considered more hardline than Gen Swe in Burma is his deputy: 69-year-old Gen Maung Aye. He made his name in a reign of terror against ethnic minorities and communists. Gen Swe has spent most of the last few years cultivating the third in line, Gen Swe Mann. Significantly, the prime minister, Lt Gen Soe Win, is thought to be terminally ill in a Singapore hospital.
The army can call on almost 500,000 troops and the official line is that only the military can bind the country together and develop its economy. The leadership has just finished a national convention, the first of seven promised steps to democracy. This event began in 1993 and the result is a constitution that guarantees the military control over the cabinet.
Revered challenger to regime
The Buddhist clergy are revered in Burma and represent the only institution that has not been co-opted by the military. There are an estimated half a million monks and novices in the country, comprising the sole organisation that compares to the armed forces in terms of scale.
The number of monks and nuns is so large because Burmese society expects every person to renounce material ways for at least seven days in their life. The Burmese often don robes for a few years, living without money and in a temple complex, before returning to more worldly pursuits. A monk survives by begging for alms.
The latest non-violent protest has seen the clergy boycott donations from the military regime, a serious loss of face in the country. The ban extends to refusing to conduct funeral and wedding services for soldiers and their families. More than 85% of Burmese people are Buddhists, with the poor being among the most faithful adherents - because temple monks run the only schools in rural areas. Monasteries also often provide money for medicines and offer meals for the destitute.
Priests have a long history of joining the country's political struggles, from the fight against British colonial rule to the pro-democracy uprising in 1988 that was crushed by the army.
The impoverishment of Burma has been the spark that appears to have lit the conscience of the religious orders. Monks have demanded an instant reduction in fuel prices, the release of political prisoners including Aung San Suu Kyi, and a swift move to democracy.
Formation of the All Burma Monks Alliance, whose leadership is unknown, to head the non-violent protest is a sign that the clergy is again prepared to take on the country's leaders in the name of freedom.
Friday, September 28, 2007
Statement from Japanese concerned Buddhists
Statement from Japanese concerned Buddhists: Declaration of solidarity for the Burmese monks, citizens and their peaceful Demonstrations
Fri 28 Sep 2007
We, Japanese Buddhists, would like to express our solidarity, respect and strong support for the peaceful demonstrations of monks and citizens in all regions of Burma.
In Burma, this past August, the military government suddenly hiked prices for fuel. This was adding insult to injury to the impoverished lifestyles of the people of Burma who have lived under military dictatorship for the last 19 years. This became a trigger which spurred on anti-government activities by students and civilians. By the beginning of September, the Buddhist monastic sangha could no longer bear to see the suffering of the people, and they began to demonstrate as well. The monks and nuns wanted a tranquility in which all could live. They engaged in a practice based in a religious motive and used methods which were very peaceful. However, in order to block a peace march in the town of Pakokku in Central Burma on September 5th, the military regime used the national army violently in reacting to a group of monks. They arrested, detained and also forcibly disrobed monks.
Taking a firm stance against these violent actions of the military government, the monks urged the military leaders to reflect on their actions. They began a campaign called “verturning the bowl” (patta-nukkujjana kamma), based on a teaching the Buddha, and continued to show their intentions through protest. For us Buddhists, this nationwide movement of “verturning the bowl”, which denies the military leaders the opportunity to offer the monks alms and thus to practice as devout lay people, is a grave act. Since the beginning of the “verturning the bowl” movement on September 17th, it spread to the capital of Yangon and all regions of the country. Day after day, this movement grew as from hundreds to tens of thousands of monks participated in peaceful demonstrations. On September 22nd, they were able pass by the residence of Aung San Suu Kyi, still under house arrest, and receive her greeting. The monks as leaders of the protest movement have been strongly welcomed and received by the people of Burma. On September 24th, the movement swelled in Yangon to an anti-military government protest numbering 100,000 people.
Amidst increasing anxiety about the attitude of the military government, the Burmese monks’ activities have tried to persuade through example, and transform a politics of fear into a politics of compassion by facing the overwhelming violent power into order to remove the cause of the people’s suffering. While we cannot see what is Burma’s future, these activities are a large development for the future of Buddhism. The actions of the monks who respect the people have been regulated by the military government, and so the people have lost their spiritual bearings. When the monastic sangha cannot practice its activities for the many devout Buddhist followers in Burma, the people will surely endure great hardship.
In this way, we heartfeltly call upon the government of Myanmar to immediately cease from these oppressive measures, free the people from fear, restore social tranquility, and immediately begin to engage in national reconciliation. We, Japanese Buddhists, will continue to watch and support the monks’ non-violent and democratic movement for Burma.
Network of Buddhist Volunteers on International Cooperation Arigatou Foundation
FUKUJINN LABORATORY
HONGE NETWORK LABORATORY (some members)
INEB-J
Network of Women and Buddhism in Kanto Region.
NICHIREN SHU SHIGA KYOUKA CENTER
NICHIREN SHU TOKYO WEST DISTRICT KYOUKA CENTER
Nipponzan Myouhouji
Group of Nenbutsu-sha supporting the article 9
Goupr of Buddhists Learning, Thinking, and Longing Peace
Pippara Scholarship
Terra Net
Research Group on Engaged Buddhism
RENZOKU MUGE NO KAI
Fri 28 Sep 2007
We, Japanese Buddhists, would like to express our solidarity, respect and strong support for the peaceful demonstrations of monks and citizens in all regions of Burma.
In Burma, this past August, the military government suddenly hiked prices for fuel. This was adding insult to injury to the impoverished lifestyles of the people of Burma who have lived under military dictatorship for the last 19 years. This became a trigger which spurred on anti-government activities by students and civilians. By the beginning of September, the Buddhist monastic sangha could no longer bear to see the suffering of the people, and they began to demonstrate as well. The monks and nuns wanted a tranquility in which all could live. They engaged in a practice based in a religious motive and used methods which were very peaceful. However, in order to block a peace march in the town of Pakokku in Central Burma on September 5th, the military regime used the national army violently in reacting to a group of monks. They arrested, detained and also forcibly disrobed monks.
Taking a firm stance against these violent actions of the military government, the monks urged the military leaders to reflect on their actions. They began a campaign called “verturning the bowl” (patta-nukkujjana kamma), based on a teaching the Buddha, and continued to show their intentions through protest. For us Buddhists, this nationwide movement of “verturning the bowl”, which denies the military leaders the opportunity to offer the monks alms and thus to practice as devout lay people, is a grave act. Since the beginning of the “verturning the bowl” movement on September 17th, it spread to the capital of Yangon and all regions of the country. Day after day, this movement grew as from hundreds to tens of thousands of monks participated in peaceful demonstrations. On September 22nd, they were able pass by the residence of Aung San Suu Kyi, still under house arrest, and receive her greeting. The monks as leaders of the protest movement have been strongly welcomed and received by the people of Burma. On September 24th, the movement swelled in Yangon to an anti-military government protest numbering 100,000 people.
Amidst increasing anxiety about the attitude of the military government, the Burmese monks’ activities have tried to persuade through example, and transform a politics of fear into a politics of compassion by facing the overwhelming violent power into order to remove the cause of the people’s suffering. While we cannot see what is Burma’s future, these activities are a large development for the future of Buddhism. The actions of the monks who respect the people have been regulated by the military government, and so the people have lost their spiritual bearings. When the monastic sangha cannot practice its activities for the many devout Buddhist followers in Burma, the people will surely endure great hardship.
In this way, we heartfeltly call upon the government of Myanmar to immediately cease from these oppressive measures, free the people from fear, restore social tranquility, and immediately begin to engage in national reconciliation. We, Japanese Buddhists, will continue to watch and support the monks’ non-violent and democratic movement for Burma.
Network of Buddhist Volunteers on International Cooperation Arigatou Foundation
FUKUJINN LABORATORY
HONGE NETWORK LABORATORY (some members)
INEB-J
Network of Women and Buddhism in Kanto Region.
NICHIREN SHU SHIGA KYOUKA CENTER
NICHIREN SHU TOKYO WEST DISTRICT KYOUKA CENTER
Nipponzan Myouhouji
Group of Nenbutsu-sha supporting the article 9
Goupr of Buddhists Learning, Thinking, and Longing Peace
Pippara Scholarship
Terra Net
Research Group on Engaged Buddhism
RENZOKU MUGE NO KAI
Nothing shy about the monks
Buddhism and politics may be contradictory, but in Burma monks and political institutions have always been inseparable.
The Nation
Published on September 28, 2007
The massive show of force by tens of thousands of Buddhist monks over the past 10 days may come as a surprise to many who have come to know this nearly three thousand year-old religion for its passivity.
But according to leading Thai historians, Burmese monks have always been on the frontline in bringing political and social changes in this trouble-plagued country, in their own peaceful way, of course.
"The Burmese Sangha today is taking on a historical mission from their older generation who fought against British colonisation," said historian Charnvit Kasetsiri, who founded the Southeast Asian Studies Programme at Thammasat University.
The Burmese Sangha was in the forefront when Burma fought against British colonisation and was passed on to the generation of General Aung San, who helped free Burma from the colonial power in 1948, Charnvit said.
After the British faded, the people of Burma then had to face "domestic colonisation" by the military regime. Groups of generals have continually suppressed people and especially political movements.
Thousands of Burmese monks joined the people's uprising led by a group of student activists in 1988, in which about 3,000 protesters were killed in the military crackdown, the historian said.
The current situation shows that Burmese monks have returned to the forefront, as the students and the people's movement have been suppressed since 1988, the historian said.
Another historian, Sunait Chutintaranond said the monument of U Win Sara in the heart on Rangoon showed the political role of monks during the fight against British colonisation.
"The monument was built in honour of U Win Sara, a Burmese monk who went on hunger strike until he died in jail during British rule," Sunait said.
The Shwedagon Pagoda has been used as strategic place for the monks in their battle against the State Peace and Development Council over the past week, Sunait said.
"The spot where they were gathering to pray was the same place where King Alongphaya sat when he prayed at the pagoda. The king asked for good luck before going to war against the Mon city of Hanthawaddy," said Sunait, an expert on Burmese history.
As the world has seen from photographs, people gathered to protect the monks when they were praying at the pagoda.
But historian Charnvit said he was afraid that history would repeat itself - just like 1988, "because the Burmese military junta has never avoided using violence against any peaceful movement".
At least five monks were reportedly found dead after the military crackdown on Wednesday.
Sunait hopes the violence will not be as bad as 19 years ago.
He said that instead of using violence against the protesters led by the Buddhist monks, the Burmese junta should engage the monks in negotiating for national reconciliation.
"Monks have never completely separated themselves from politics, and this isn't the first time," he said.
But the division between state and religion is not all cut and dry. The junta still has a number of monks in their pocket to use at their disposal, Sunait said.
Many of the anti-junta monks are from the younger generation, added Sunait, who is due to give a public lecture on monks and politics in Burma.
On Monday, the state mouthpiece New Light of Myanmar ran a page one story quoting a Buddhist council calling on all the monks, mostly likely at the request of the junta, to stick to Pariyatti and Patipatti.
In other words, stay in the monastery and out of politics.
Subhatra Bhumiprabhas
The Nation
The Nation
Published on September 28, 2007
The massive show of force by tens of thousands of Buddhist monks over the past 10 days may come as a surprise to many who have come to know this nearly three thousand year-old religion for its passivity.
But according to leading Thai historians, Burmese monks have always been on the frontline in bringing political and social changes in this trouble-plagued country, in their own peaceful way, of course.
"The Burmese Sangha today is taking on a historical mission from their older generation who fought against British colonisation," said historian Charnvit Kasetsiri, who founded the Southeast Asian Studies Programme at Thammasat University.
The Burmese Sangha was in the forefront when Burma fought against British colonisation and was passed on to the generation of General Aung San, who helped free Burma from the colonial power in 1948, Charnvit said.
After the British faded, the people of Burma then had to face "domestic colonisation" by the military regime. Groups of generals have continually suppressed people and especially political movements.
Thousands of Burmese monks joined the people's uprising led by a group of student activists in 1988, in which about 3,000 protesters were killed in the military crackdown, the historian said.
The current situation shows that Burmese monks have returned to the forefront, as the students and the people's movement have been suppressed since 1988, the historian said.
Another historian, Sunait Chutintaranond said the monument of U Win Sara in the heart on Rangoon showed the political role of monks during the fight against British colonisation.
"The monument was built in honour of U Win Sara, a Burmese monk who went on hunger strike until he died in jail during British rule," Sunait said.
The Shwedagon Pagoda has been used as strategic place for the monks in their battle against the State Peace and Development Council over the past week, Sunait said.
"The spot where they were gathering to pray was the same place where King Alongphaya sat when he prayed at the pagoda. The king asked for good luck before going to war against the Mon city of Hanthawaddy," said Sunait, an expert on Burmese history.
As the world has seen from photographs, people gathered to protect the monks when they were praying at the pagoda.
But historian Charnvit said he was afraid that history would repeat itself - just like 1988, "because the Burmese military junta has never avoided using violence against any peaceful movement".
At least five monks were reportedly found dead after the military crackdown on Wednesday.
Sunait hopes the violence will not be as bad as 19 years ago.
He said that instead of using violence against the protesters led by the Buddhist monks, the Burmese junta should engage the monks in negotiating for national reconciliation.
"Monks have never completely separated themselves from politics, and this isn't the first time," he said.
But the division between state and religion is not all cut and dry. The junta still has a number of monks in their pocket to use at their disposal, Sunait said.
Many of the anti-junta monks are from the younger generation, added Sunait, who is due to give a public lecture on monks and politics in Burma.
On Monday, the state mouthpiece New Light of Myanmar ran a page one story quoting a Buddhist council calling on all the monks, mostly likely at the request of the junta, to stick to Pariyatti and Patipatti.
In other words, stay in the monastery and out of politics.
Subhatra Bhumiprabhas
The Nation
Monks vs. Generals: A Free Fall or a New Dawn in Myanmar?
Opinion Asia
Maung Zarni | 28 Sep 2007
My mind wondered swiftly back to the childhood bedtime stories told by my great-grandmother of a bloody encounter in the 1930s in my native Mandalay between the world-conquering power of the British Raj and the soft power of the world-renouncers, the Theravada Buddhist monks and nuns.
She told of the brutal response of the British authorities who mowed down peaceful and unarmed monks, resulting in 17 deaths in total. And she used to recount how gallantly our monks stood up to the British Raj on behalf of Burma's poor, suffering from oppression under alien Christian rule. Were she alive today Granny would say - deja vu - the familiar baton blows, machine gun bursts, pools of blood, public outrage, the immediate crackdown and the eventual downfall of the hated regime.
The involvement of monks in politics goes back to before the colonial era and the Burmese nationalist fight against British rule. Buddhism and its monasteries have for centuries been the rallying, catalystic force that mobilised the masses against unjust rulers.
Buddhism has deep roots in both rural and urban Burma - it is the bond that unites the major ethnic communities - the dominant Burmese, the Shans, the Mons, the Karens, and the Arakanese. Ultimately, the monasteries represent the interface where the rich and the powerful meet the poor and the down-trodden.
Because the majority of the monks are not drawn from urban elite families but rather from rural Burma, one of the most likely outcomes of this 'monks power' movement is the political awakening of rural communities which had hitherto remained untapped by the Western-inspired, urban-middle class pro-democracy opposition.
This likely coming together of Burma's urban and rural communities, the latter of which make up the bulk of the country's population will be highly consequential. That Metta (or Loving Kindness) Army of Buddhist monks that snaked through the city streets have posed the greatest challenge to the Armed Forces since its formation in 1943. The labelling of the generals and their underlings as "un-Buddhist" and the subsequent call for their excommunication has invoked a 2,500 year-old ritual against tyrants who tramples on Dharma principles of righteousness.
Judging from the relatively low number of casualties of yesterday's shootings, nine since the protests began a month ago, as opposed to approximately 3,000 in the 1988 popular revolt, the "soft power" of the latest protests have been felt deeply across the entire society, including the rank and file of the Armed Forces.
It is for this reason the junta's spin doctors are desperately informing the public and their troops that the Saffron-robed protesters are "bogus monks"‚ in service of Western neo-imperialists. This is an act of demonisation designed to ensure that the troops shoot to kill when ordered.
Since the bloody crackdown of the 1988 popular revolt in against General Ne Win's one-party rule(1962-88) which ushered in another period of brutish military rule, the great majority of Burmese people had shifted their attention to religious matters. For their immediate realities teach them to be more mindful of Buddhist teaching - All life is suffering.
A cursory glance at everyday life in the country would suffice: poverty, downright oppression, institutionalised abuse of power, endemic corruption and related moral decay, loss of regional standing as a country, malnutrition, ill-health, poor education, ecological degradation and last but not least rapid loss of natural resources such as teak, timber, oil and natural gas.
Like the Sangha or Buddhist Order, the rank and file of the Tatmadaw or Armed Forces is primarily drawn from poor farming communities or urban working classes. The greatest tragedy is the machine-gun touting rural sons in green or grey uniform are shooting and killing their brethren - decked in saffron, or brown or orange robes, armed only with Metta Suttra or the prayer for Universal Loving Kindness.
Stories coming out of the country indicate that troops in certain protest areas have refused to fire senselessly on their own people. In the circumstances, one perceives a shift in the institutional culture of the junta's war machine.
In concert, the regime's Orwellian media is broadcasting and printing surreal images of the members of the top echelon of the officer corps, who are making offerings or paying respect to the highly revered senior abbots of the country.
Much as they are reviled domestically and around the world, the generals perceive themselves as good, family men trying their level best to defend Myanmar's sovereignty and territorial integrity. They view themselves as the saviours of the nation from potential Balkanization and keepers of law and order.
Virtually all of them are insular, are stuck in the old father-knows-best mentality and demand complete and utter loyalty. While the rank and file live rather poor lives, not dissimilar to the bulk of the population, a handful of top generals live extremely lavishly by local standards.
The recent move by the junta to a new capital was financed by the loot of the country - rich natural resources sold to the highest bidders amongst the get-rich-quick Chinese, Indians and other Asians. Unfortunately, there has been a dishonorable solidarity amongst the Asian business classes.
Given the staunch political support and unprincipled business dealings from Beijing's bogus neo-communists with their unquenchable thirst for Burma's energy resources, as well as the support of the veto-wielding Russia, the Western-led international community has so far not been powerful enough to either strong-arm or persuade the bogus Buddhists in power to find a peaceful resolution to their self-perpetuated war against their own citizens.
But this Western impotence is changing.
The monks' protests have successfully put Burma at the top of the UN's agenda. The UN Secretary General and world leaders including the Americans, the British, and most significantly, the Chinese are banging their heads together to find a peaceful ending to the showdown in Burma. It has also compelled the intransigent generals from dragging their feet to fully cooperate with UN Special Envoy Ibrahim Gambari, arguably the only sympathetic ear they have, aside from their wives, and the Russians.
Even the Chinese are said to be progressively less confident about the generals‚ leadership competence and staying power. It is now time for the UN-sponsored international diplomatic effort, backed by the four permanent Security Council members China, US, UK and France to lead the way. The Russians and the Indians will probably jump on the train when they know it is leaving - with or without them.
The likely scenario in the days to come is that the junta will continue to show restraint or make sure people stay home, so that they do not have to resort to force. A greater show of brutality and senseless use of force, as opposed to efforts at reconciliation and dialogue, will likely persuade China to cooperate more seriously with the West on Burma.
Ibrahim Gambari is flying into Rangoon tomorrow. He must be given ample opportunities to discuss both immediate and broader concerns - not just human rights, democracy, and national reconciliation but also the personal and institutional concerns of the generals and the rank and file. It is in the interests of all - both the generals and the opposition parties - to ensure the success of Gambari's mission.
On its part, the United States and European Union should review the punitive economic and political sanctions, and suspend its inflammatory language of regime change. Burma or Myanmar, whatever the preference, has no choice but to make peace with itself first, if things are to get better.
Maung Zarni is a Visiting Research Fellow (2006-9) at the Department of International Development (Queen Elizabeth House), University of Oxford. He was the founder of the Free Burma Coalition.
Maung Zarni | 28 Sep 2007
My mind wondered swiftly back to the childhood bedtime stories told by my great-grandmother of a bloody encounter in the 1930s in my native Mandalay between the world-conquering power of the British Raj and the soft power of the world-renouncers, the Theravada Buddhist monks and nuns.
She told of the brutal response of the British authorities who mowed down peaceful and unarmed monks, resulting in 17 deaths in total. And she used to recount how gallantly our monks stood up to the British Raj on behalf of Burma's poor, suffering from oppression under alien Christian rule. Were she alive today Granny would say - deja vu - the familiar baton blows, machine gun bursts, pools of blood, public outrage, the immediate crackdown and the eventual downfall of the hated regime.
The involvement of monks in politics goes back to before the colonial era and the Burmese nationalist fight against British rule. Buddhism and its monasteries have for centuries been the rallying, catalystic force that mobilised the masses against unjust rulers.
Buddhism has deep roots in both rural and urban Burma - it is the bond that unites the major ethnic communities - the dominant Burmese, the Shans, the Mons, the Karens, and the Arakanese. Ultimately, the monasteries represent the interface where the rich and the powerful meet the poor and the down-trodden.
Because the majority of the monks are not drawn from urban elite families but rather from rural Burma, one of the most likely outcomes of this 'monks power' movement is the political awakening of rural communities which had hitherto remained untapped by the Western-inspired, urban-middle class pro-democracy opposition.
This likely coming together of Burma's urban and rural communities, the latter of which make up the bulk of the country's population will be highly consequential. That Metta (or Loving Kindness) Army of Buddhist monks that snaked through the city streets have posed the greatest challenge to the Armed Forces since its formation in 1943. The labelling of the generals and their underlings as "un-Buddhist" and the subsequent call for their excommunication has invoked a 2,500 year-old ritual against tyrants who tramples on Dharma principles of righteousness.
Judging from the relatively low number of casualties of yesterday's shootings, nine since the protests began a month ago, as opposed to approximately 3,000 in the 1988 popular revolt, the "soft power" of the latest protests have been felt deeply across the entire society, including the rank and file of the Armed Forces.
It is for this reason the junta's spin doctors are desperately informing the public and their troops that the Saffron-robed protesters are "bogus monks"‚ in service of Western neo-imperialists. This is an act of demonisation designed to ensure that the troops shoot to kill when ordered.
Since the bloody crackdown of the 1988 popular revolt in against General Ne Win's one-party rule(1962-88) which ushered in another period of brutish military rule, the great majority of Burmese people had shifted their attention to religious matters. For their immediate realities teach them to be more mindful of Buddhist teaching - All life is suffering.
A cursory glance at everyday life in the country would suffice: poverty, downright oppression, institutionalised abuse of power, endemic corruption and related moral decay, loss of regional standing as a country, malnutrition, ill-health, poor education, ecological degradation and last but not least rapid loss of natural resources such as teak, timber, oil and natural gas.
Like the Sangha or Buddhist Order, the rank and file of the Tatmadaw or Armed Forces is primarily drawn from poor farming communities or urban working classes. The greatest tragedy is the machine-gun touting rural sons in green or grey uniform are shooting and killing their brethren - decked in saffron, or brown or orange robes, armed only with Metta Suttra or the prayer for Universal Loving Kindness.
Stories coming out of the country indicate that troops in certain protest areas have refused to fire senselessly on their own people. In the circumstances, one perceives a shift in the institutional culture of the junta's war machine.
In concert, the regime's Orwellian media is broadcasting and printing surreal images of the members of the top echelon of the officer corps, who are making offerings or paying respect to the highly revered senior abbots of the country.
Much as they are reviled domestically and around the world, the generals perceive themselves as good, family men trying their level best to defend Myanmar's sovereignty and territorial integrity. They view themselves as the saviours of the nation from potential Balkanization and keepers of law and order.
Virtually all of them are insular, are stuck in the old father-knows-best mentality and demand complete and utter loyalty. While the rank and file live rather poor lives, not dissimilar to the bulk of the population, a handful of top generals live extremely lavishly by local standards.
The recent move by the junta to a new capital was financed by the loot of the country - rich natural resources sold to the highest bidders amongst the get-rich-quick Chinese, Indians and other Asians. Unfortunately, there has been a dishonorable solidarity amongst the Asian business classes.
Given the staunch political support and unprincipled business dealings from Beijing's bogus neo-communists with their unquenchable thirst for Burma's energy resources, as well as the support of the veto-wielding Russia, the Western-led international community has so far not been powerful enough to either strong-arm or persuade the bogus Buddhists in power to find a peaceful resolution to their self-perpetuated war against their own citizens.
But this Western impotence is changing.
The monks' protests have successfully put Burma at the top of the UN's agenda. The UN Secretary General and world leaders including the Americans, the British, and most significantly, the Chinese are banging their heads together to find a peaceful ending to the showdown in Burma. It has also compelled the intransigent generals from dragging their feet to fully cooperate with UN Special Envoy Ibrahim Gambari, arguably the only sympathetic ear they have, aside from their wives, and the Russians.
Even the Chinese are said to be progressively less confident about the generals‚ leadership competence and staying power. It is now time for the UN-sponsored international diplomatic effort, backed by the four permanent Security Council members China, US, UK and France to lead the way. The Russians and the Indians will probably jump on the train when they know it is leaving - with or without them.
The likely scenario in the days to come is that the junta will continue to show restraint or make sure people stay home, so that they do not have to resort to force. A greater show of brutality and senseless use of force, as opposed to efforts at reconciliation and dialogue, will likely persuade China to cooperate more seriously with the West on Burma.
Ibrahim Gambari is flying into Rangoon tomorrow. He must be given ample opportunities to discuss both immediate and broader concerns - not just human rights, democracy, and national reconciliation but also the personal and institutional concerns of the generals and the rank and file. It is in the interests of all - both the generals and the opposition parties - to ensure the success of Gambari's mission.
On its part, the United States and European Union should review the punitive economic and political sanctions, and suspend its inflammatory language of regime change. Burma or Myanmar, whatever the preference, has no choice but to make peace with itself first, if things are to get better.
Maung Zarni is a Visiting Research Fellow (2006-9) at the Department of International Development (Queen Elizabeth House), University of Oxford. He was the founder of the Free Burma Coalition.
Thursday, September 27, 2007
Myanmar monks' three demands
Al Jazeera
27 Sept 2007
Monks have formed the vanguard of opposition to Myanmar's military government
Uppekha is Buddhist monk and member of the All Burma Buddhist Monks Alliance, one of the groups that has led the wave of anti-government protests in Myanmar.
Based at a monastery in the northern city of Mandalay, Uppekha said he and other monks at the monastery wanted to join the protests, but that their monastery had been surrounded by soldiers.
Speaking by telephone from inside the monastery, he told Al Jazeera of the measures the monks were calling for:
"There are three steps that we want.
"The first step is to reduce all commodity prices, fuel prices, rice and cooking oil prices immediately.
"The second step – release all political prisoners, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and all detainees arrested during ongoing demonstrations over the fuel price hike.
"The third step – enter a dialogue with pro-democracy forces for national reconciliation immediately, to resolve the crisis and difficulties facing and suffered by the people.
Uppekha said he had expected more help from the UN and emphasised that all the protests had been peaceful.
He said: "We have a chance to create our own rights. We have a chance to create our own freedom.
"We are peaceful demonstrators but the government is taking this violent crackdown. We are suffering violence from a military junta.
"We dont understand why the UN aren't helping us. They are just talking, talking, blowing in the wind."
27 Sept 2007
Monks have formed the vanguard of opposition to Myanmar's military government
Uppekha is Buddhist monk and member of the All Burma Buddhist Monks Alliance, one of the groups that has led the wave of anti-government protests in Myanmar.
Based at a monastery in the northern city of Mandalay, Uppekha said he and other monks at the monastery wanted to join the protests, but that their monastery had been surrounded by soldiers.
Speaking by telephone from inside the monastery, he told Al Jazeera of the measures the monks were calling for:
"There are three steps that we want.
"The first step is to reduce all commodity prices, fuel prices, rice and cooking oil prices immediately.
"The second step – release all political prisoners, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and all detainees arrested during ongoing demonstrations over the fuel price hike.
"The third step – enter a dialogue with pro-democracy forces for national reconciliation immediately, to resolve the crisis and difficulties facing and suffered by the people.
Uppekha said he had expected more help from the UN and emphasised that all the protests had been peaceful.
He said: "We have a chance to create our own rights. We have a chance to create our own freedom.
"We are peaceful demonstrators but the government is taking this violent crackdown. We are suffering violence from a military junta.
"We dont understand why the UN aren't helping us. They are just talking, talking, blowing in the wind."
Saffron revolution
The Australian
Sian Powell
September 27, 2007
THE tyrants of Burma have lashed out at the protesters, but the time for democracy finally may have arrived, writes Sian Powell.
IT didn't take long for the Burmese junta to show its teeth. Eight days of protests had passed without reprisals; mass marches of 100,000 people led by barefoot monks in saffron robes, chanting Buddhist mantras.
But on the ninth day the Burmese military finally pounced, firing shots in the air, using batons and tear gas to subdue dissidents, and arresting an estimated 100 democracy aspirants.
A sense of the tension can be heard in one young Burmese journalist's voice. She is excited by the prospect of change and terrified of the Burmese authorities. She knows exactly how oppressive the anachronistic and strangely named State Peace and Development Council has been.
Her homeland has quietly endured decades of misery, torture, abuse and the long incarceration of the beloved National League of Democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
"We have to wait and see," the journalist says, preferring to keep her identity a secret to avoid reprisals.
The mood in Rangoon oscillates between hope and fear. "So far, we have to be pleased about it," she says. "The monks, they are very brave. They are chanting mantras, Buddhist teachings, they are not talking about political matters." She will not be writing the truth about the protests, she says. "Anything written, it will be rejected."
Following in the footsteps of the rain-sodden monks who have taken to the streets of Rangoon in their thousands, several international figures have pushed for change in Burma.
US President George W. Bush condemned the tyrannical Burmese junta during his visit to Sydney for the Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation forum leaders summit, and this week he announced sanctions against junta leaders and their financiers.
UN special envoy Ibrahim Gambari last week briefed the Security Council on his "serious concerns" regarding Burma, and he plans to visit the country soon, perhaps next month. Closer to home, Australian Foreign Minister Alexander Downer says the eyes of the world are on Burma and urges the regime to "exercise maximum restraint".
A democracy activist in Rangoon says protesters want to encourage political change and avoid bloodshed.
"Definitely there are a lot of people who are very moved and who are very emotional," she says. Still, she adds, the people of Burma are worried about the consequences of the uprising, consequences that could easily involve mass arrests, assault and slaughter.
"But this is a time which is very critical, and they will understand that this is the case and they will need to do something."
Resting its back against the might of China to the north, the SPDC regime has long ignored the polemic from notables such as one-time Czech president Vaclav Havel, South African archbishop and Nobel Peace Prize laureate Desmond Tutu, and more recently US first lady Laura Bush.
For years Russia and China have staunchly resisted any efforts to discuss Burma in the Security Council. Now, though, it appears China -- mindful of its international image and sensitive to criticism as the 2008 Beijing Olympics loom nearer -- has advised the Burma regime to refrain from the brutal oppression at which it has become so adept.
Refusing to accept alms from anyone in the military and thereby imperilling soldiers' important religious observances, the rebel monks set the scene for a showdown. There are more than 400,000 monks in Burma, and only a small percentage have marched through the streets, but many senior abbots have so far declined to block their efforts.
Yesterday, the regime declared a dusk-to-dawn curfew in Rangoon and Mandalay, and used truck-mounted loudspeakers to warn that meetings of more than five people were illegal. Burma's Religious Affairs Minister, Brigadier-General Thura Myint Maung, has publicly accused the monks of being manipulated by the Government's domestic and foreign enemies, and warned that if senior abbots failed to restrain their disciples, the Government would act.
Burma has groaned under a military dictatorship since 1962 and the last big uprising, in 1988, was swiftly and brutally crushed, leaving as many as 3000 people dead.
Aung Zaw, editor of The Irrawaddy news magazine based in northern Thailand's Chiang Mai, was a student dissident in the famous 1988 protests. He was imprisoned in Rangoon's notorious Insein jail and tortured. He finally fled to Thailand.
"The monks have been on the streets again; I think it's the moment of truth," Zaw says. The sheer size of the protests amazes him; the crowds of monks, nuns and civilians willing to brave the worst the junta can bowl up, from indiscriminate killings to long terms in prison.
Monks are revered in Burma. They command immense moral authority. They initially limited themselves to prayer and chanting, and advised civilians to stay away from the marches.
On the weekend, though, the hitherto unknown All Burma Monks Alliance stepped into the spotlight and urged people to struggle peacefully against the military dictatorship. The army provoked the monks' ire earlier this month when soldiers fired over the heads of a group of monks demonstrating in the central town of Pakokku where, according to some reports, monks were beaten and arrested. There have also been reports of the military firing warning shots and tear gas at a monks' protest in the town of Sittwe, and for two days monks were barred from the golden Shwedagon Pagoda in Rangoon, Burma's holiest temple.
Zaw fears the regime will resort to yet more violence to contain the uprising: "We've been receiving warnings, how to take care of shooting victims in case this happens." He doesn't believe the junta leaders will step aside and he doesn't think the people of Burma expect regime change. "I don't think people are stupid," he says. "Burmese people are very guarded; they have lived with this junta for many years."
The best hope for many is a gradual relaxation of the regime's stranglehold on the people and some negotiation with the democracy leaders.
The junta's much-touted National Constitutional Convention, the first of the military's "seven steps to democracy", finally ended last month, after 14 years of delay and obfuscation. Suu Kyi's NLD boycotted the convention, which has been roundly declared a fraud.
Rather than the promised decentralised authority and respect for minority rights, the constitutional road map cements the military's role in government and the economy. As the junta's leaders sit in their palaces in Naypyidaw, the bizarre new capital carved out of the jungle last year, Rangoon seethes.
For decades the dilapidated city, set on a curve of the Irrawaddy river, has endured the quixotic edicts of the junta leaders, few with any regard for the health and happiness of the Burmese people. The nation is mired in poverty and suffering, enduring a silent crisis of widespread squalor, inadequate health care and the misery of thousands of refugees camped on the borders.
The 500,000 members of the Karen, Karenni and Mon tribes of eastern Burma -- subject to forced evictions, forced labour and the destruction of crops -- have some of the worst health conditions in the world.
Myint Cho, from the Australia Burma Council, says the uprising of recent days is the first national protest since the doomed marches of 1988.
Initially sparked by a sharp increase in fuel prices last month, the protests have grown into a nationwide movement for change, pushing the regime to take the first steps towards dealing with the poverty and resulting anger that has marked the nation.
"I believe if they face domestic and international pressure, they have no alternative," Cho says.
"The UN is too little, too late. We need to convince China and India to convince the military Government to begin negotiations." He says that while ASEAN has maintained a policy of non-interference for many years, more recently the leaders of Malaysia, Indonesia and The Philippines have made it clear the junta must begin to change.
The living symbol of Burma's democracy movement is Suu Kyi, the adored Nobel Peace Prize laureate who has spent 11 of the past 17 years imprisoned in her home in University Avenue, Rangoon. She has been more or less completely isolated since May 2003, when she was rearrested after government militias attacked her convoy in Depayin, upper Burma, and beat to death more than 100 of her supporters.
So her appearance at her gate on the weekend astounded the waiting monks and activists. She didn't say anything but, according to some reports, had tears in her eyes.
"She was at the gate, I think she could (make a speech) but she won't, she is very restrained, she does not want to ignite the situation," Zaw says.
"If she would give a one-minute speech, or a two-minute speech ..." Zaw doesn't finish his sentence, but the meaning is clear. Now there have been reports Suu Kyi has been moved to Insein prison; certainly she hasn't been seen since that weekend appearance.
Some Burma observers wonder whether Suu Kyi's adamant adherence to pacifism has been a mistake, whether it would have been better in the long run to permit an armed surge to seize government after the election-losing junta refused to hand over power in 1990. The NLD had won the election by a landslide and the nation was ripe for change. Since then, thousands of her followers in the NLD have been slaughtered, imprisoned or harried into exile.
Yet perhaps the time is finally right. The junta leader, Senior General Than Shwe, is 74 and in poor health. Despite a gas pipeline deal with China that pulls in billions of dollars, Burma is in financial straits and the regime's excesses and fiscal mismanagement have forced it to make drastic cuts in expensive fuel and energy subsidies.
The young journalist and democracy activist says the Burmese people know the immense risks of pushing the junta.
"But the situation has become unbearable for a lot of the people," she says, adding the only real option is to press on.
"I hope for much better change; that's what we all hope."
Sian Powell is a former Indonesia correspondent for The Australian.
Timeline
* August 8, 1988: Burmese military opens fire on demonstrators in what is known as the 8888 Uprising. More than 3000 people are killed.
* 1990: Elections held. The results are annulled. The National League for Democracy, led by Aung San Suu Kyi, wins more than 60 per cent of the vote and more than 80 per cent of seats. The military-backed National Unity Party wins fewer than 2 per cent of seats.
* 1991: Aung San Suu Kyi wins the Nobel Peace Prize. She spends most of the following years under house arrest.
* 1992: Military leader Than Shwe, a former psychological warfare expert, takes power. He is believed to make decisions guided by astrology.
* November 7, 2006: Shwe gives civil servants a few hours to move from Rangoon to the country's new capital, Naypyidaw. The junta rules in total secrecy and near isolation in a hidden compound there. The only glimpse of the ruling elite's lives comes from a video of Shwe's daughter's wedding showing guests drinking champagne and a bride bedecked in jewellery.
Sian Powell
September 27, 2007
THE tyrants of Burma have lashed out at the protesters, but the time for democracy finally may have arrived, writes Sian Powell.
IT didn't take long for the Burmese junta to show its teeth. Eight days of protests had passed without reprisals; mass marches of 100,000 people led by barefoot monks in saffron robes, chanting Buddhist mantras.
But on the ninth day the Burmese military finally pounced, firing shots in the air, using batons and tear gas to subdue dissidents, and arresting an estimated 100 democracy aspirants.
A sense of the tension can be heard in one young Burmese journalist's voice. She is excited by the prospect of change and terrified of the Burmese authorities. She knows exactly how oppressive the anachronistic and strangely named State Peace and Development Council has been.
Her homeland has quietly endured decades of misery, torture, abuse and the long incarceration of the beloved National League of Democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
"We have to wait and see," the journalist says, preferring to keep her identity a secret to avoid reprisals.
The mood in Rangoon oscillates between hope and fear. "So far, we have to be pleased about it," she says. "The monks, they are very brave. They are chanting mantras, Buddhist teachings, they are not talking about political matters." She will not be writing the truth about the protests, she says. "Anything written, it will be rejected."
Following in the footsteps of the rain-sodden monks who have taken to the streets of Rangoon in their thousands, several international figures have pushed for change in Burma.
US President George W. Bush condemned the tyrannical Burmese junta during his visit to Sydney for the Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation forum leaders summit, and this week he announced sanctions against junta leaders and their financiers.
UN special envoy Ibrahim Gambari last week briefed the Security Council on his "serious concerns" regarding Burma, and he plans to visit the country soon, perhaps next month. Closer to home, Australian Foreign Minister Alexander Downer says the eyes of the world are on Burma and urges the regime to "exercise maximum restraint".
A democracy activist in Rangoon says protesters want to encourage political change and avoid bloodshed.
"Definitely there are a lot of people who are very moved and who are very emotional," she says. Still, she adds, the people of Burma are worried about the consequences of the uprising, consequences that could easily involve mass arrests, assault and slaughter.
"But this is a time which is very critical, and they will understand that this is the case and they will need to do something."
Resting its back against the might of China to the north, the SPDC regime has long ignored the polemic from notables such as one-time Czech president Vaclav Havel, South African archbishop and Nobel Peace Prize laureate Desmond Tutu, and more recently US first lady Laura Bush.
For years Russia and China have staunchly resisted any efforts to discuss Burma in the Security Council. Now, though, it appears China -- mindful of its international image and sensitive to criticism as the 2008 Beijing Olympics loom nearer -- has advised the Burma regime to refrain from the brutal oppression at which it has become so adept.
Refusing to accept alms from anyone in the military and thereby imperilling soldiers' important religious observances, the rebel monks set the scene for a showdown. There are more than 400,000 monks in Burma, and only a small percentage have marched through the streets, but many senior abbots have so far declined to block their efforts.
Yesterday, the regime declared a dusk-to-dawn curfew in Rangoon and Mandalay, and used truck-mounted loudspeakers to warn that meetings of more than five people were illegal. Burma's Religious Affairs Minister, Brigadier-General Thura Myint Maung, has publicly accused the monks of being manipulated by the Government's domestic and foreign enemies, and warned that if senior abbots failed to restrain their disciples, the Government would act.
Burma has groaned under a military dictatorship since 1962 and the last big uprising, in 1988, was swiftly and brutally crushed, leaving as many as 3000 people dead.
Aung Zaw, editor of The Irrawaddy news magazine based in northern Thailand's Chiang Mai, was a student dissident in the famous 1988 protests. He was imprisoned in Rangoon's notorious Insein jail and tortured. He finally fled to Thailand.
"The monks have been on the streets again; I think it's the moment of truth," Zaw says. The sheer size of the protests amazes him; the crowds of monks, nuns and civilians willing to brave the worst the junta can bowl up, from indiscriminate killings to long terms in prison.
Monks are revered in Burma. They command immense moral authority. They initially limited themselves to prayer and chanting, and advised civilians to stay away from the marches.
On the weekend, though, the hitherto unknown All Burma Monks Alliance stepped into the spotlight and urged people to struggle peacefully against the military dictatorship. The army provoked the monks' ire earlier this month when soldiers fired over the heads of a group of monks demonstrating in the central town of Pakokku where, according to some reports, monks were beaten and arrested. There have also been reports of the military firing warning shots and tear gas at a monks' protest in the town of Sittwe, and for two days monks were barred from the golden Shwedagon Pagoda in Rangoon, Burma's holiest temple.
Zaw fears the regime will resort to yet more violence to contain the uprising: "We've been receiving warnings, how to take care of shooting victims in case this happens." He doesn't believe the junta leaders will step aside and he doesn't think the people of Burma expect regime change. "I don't think people are stupid," he says. "Burmese people are very guarded; they have lived with this junta for many years."
The best hope for many is a gradual relaxation of the regime's stranglehold on the people and some negotiation with the democracy leaders.
The junta's much-touted National Constitutional Convention, the first of the military's "seven steps to democracy", finally ended last month, after 14 years of delay and obfuscation. Suu Kyi's NLD boycotted the convention, which has been roundly declared a fraud.
Rather than the promised decentralised authority and respect for minority rights, the constitutional road map cements the military's role in government and the economy. As the junta's leaders sit in their palaces in Naypyidaw, the bizarre new capital carved out of the jungle last year, Rangoon seethes.
For decades the dilapidated city, set on a curve of the Irrawaddy river, has endured the quixotic edicts of the junta leaders, few with any regard for the health and happiness of the Burmese people. The nation is mired in poverty and suffering, enduring a silent crisis of widespread squalor, inadequate health care and the misery of thousands of refugees camped on the borders.
The 500,000 members of the Karen, Karenni and Mon tribes of eastern Burma -- subject to forced evictions, forced labour and the destruction of crops -- have some of the worst health conditions in the world.
Myint Cho, from the Australia Burma Council, says the uprising of recent days is the first national protest since the doomed marches of 1988.
Initially sparked by a sharp increase in fuel prices last month, the protests have grown into a nationwide movement for change, pushing the regime to take the first steps towards dealing with the poverty and resulting anger that has marked the nation.
"I believe if they face domestic and international pressure, they have no alternative," Cho says.
"The UN is too little, too late. We need to convince China and India to convince the military Government to begin negotiations." He says that while ASEAN has maintained a policy of non-interference for many years, more recently the leaders of Malaysia, Indonesia and The Philippines have made it clear the junta must begin to change.
The living symbol of Burma's democracy movement is Suu Kyi, the adored Nobel Peace Prize laureate who has spent 11 of the past 17 years imprisoned in her home in University Avenue, Rangoon. She has been more or less completely isolated since May 2003, when she was rearrested after government militias attacked her convoy in Depayin, upper Burma, and beat to death more than 100 of her supporters.
So her appearance at her gate on the weekend astounded the waiting monks and activists. She didn't say anything but, according to some reports, had tears in her eyes.
"She was at the gate, I think she could (make a speech) but she won't, she is very restrained, she does not want to ignite the situation," Zaw says.
"If she would give a one-minute speech, or a two-minute speech ..." Zaw doesn't finish his sentence, but the meaning is clear. Now there have been reports Suu Kyi has been moved to Insein prison; certainly she hasn't been seen since that weekend appearance.
Some Burma observers wonder whether Suu Kyi's adamant adherence to pacifism has been a mistake, whether it would have been better in the long run to permit an armed surge to seize government after the election-losing junta refused to hand over power in 1990. The NLD had won the election by a landslide and the nation was ripe for change. Since then, thousands of her followers in the NLD have been slaughtered, imprisoned or harried into exile.
Yet perhaps the time is finally right. The junta leader, Senior General Than Shwe, is 74 and in poor health. Despite a gas pipeline deal with China that pulls in billions of dollars, Burma is in financial straits and the regime's excesses and fiscal mismanagement have forced it to make drastic cuts in expensive fuel and energy subsidies.
The young journalist and democracy activist says the Burmese people know the immense risks of pushing the junta.
"But the situation has become unbearable for a lot of the people," she says, adding the only real option is to press on.
"I hope for much better change; that's what we all hope."
Sian Powell is a former Indonesia correspondent for The Australian.
Timeline
* August 8, 1988: Burmese military opens fire on demonstrators in what is known as the 8888 Uprising. More than 3000 people are killed.
* 1990: Elections held. The results are annulled. The National League for Democracy, led by Aung San Suu Kyi, wins more than 60 per cent of the vote and more than 80 per cent of seats. The military-backed National Unity Party wins fewer than 2 per cent of seats.
* 1991: Aung San Suu Kyi wins the Nobel Peace Prize. She spends most of the following years under house arrest.
* 1992: Military leader Than Shwe, a former psychological warfare expert, takes power. He is believed to make decisions guided by astrology.
* November 7, 2006: Shwe gives civil servants a few hours to move from Rangoon to the country's new capital, Naypyidaw. The junta rules in total secrecy and near isolation in a hidden compound there. The only glimpse of the ruling elite's lives comes from a video of Shwe's daughter's wedding showing guests drinking champagne and a bride bedecked in jewellery.
Burma's Buddhists Protest
Scoop
Wednesday, 26 September 2007, 11:11 am
by Richard S. Ehrlich
BANGKOK, Thailand -- Tens of thousands of maroon-robed monks are trying to stage a Buddhist revolution against Burma's military regime, but Buddhists in next-door Thailand have not lent support to the Burmese quest for democratic enlightenment.
Burma's Buddhist clergy, including young novices, ordained monks and senior abbots, are said to be as numerous as the armed forces in the impoverished nation also known as Myanmar.
An estimated 500,000 monasteries and temples -- many of them in disrepair and weakened by cracks and mildew -- are scattered throughout Burma, the biggest country in mainland Southeast Asia.
On the other side of Burma's eastern border, meanwhile, more than 400,000 Thai monks and novices live and study in 40,000 ornate Buddhist temples, often equipped with televisions, computers and other worldly items.
Wealthier Thailand's Buddhist monks, who wrap themselves in bright, saffron-colored robes, waged an embarrassing, failed demand during the summer to have Buddhism declared Thailand's state religion in the new constitution.
When Thai critics expressed dismay that Thai Buddhist monks were dabbling in politics, and appearing to alienate this country's minority religious faiths, the bid for a constitutional clause collapsed.
More than 90 percent of Thailand's 64 million people are Buddhists, and news of Burma's protests has been splashed across Thailand's broadcast and print media.
Burma is under harsh rule by a military which seized power in a 1962 coup.
Thailand is currently trying to emerge from military rule after army generals staged a bloodless coup one year ago.
The most vivid public display by Thailand's military toward Burma's military was a two-day visit to Burma in August by Bangkok's coup leader, Army Commander-in-Chief Gen. Sonthi Boonyaratkalin. A photograph published in Thailand's leading English-language newspaper, The Bangkok Post, on Aug. 29 showed Gen. Sonthi politely bowing his head while shaking hands with Burma's military leader, Senior Gen. Than Shwe, after the two green-uniformed men met in Naypyidaw, Burma's new capital.
Burma's military regime occasionally snipes at its Buddhist clergy for being infiltrated by "bogus monks" who are allegedly puppets of "traitors" manipulated by America, Britain, and other foreign countries which seek to exploit Burma's oil, natural gas, and other resources, Thailand's Buddhist clergy, meanwhile, is often hit by domestic criticism from Thai columnists, intellectuals and others who are dismayed that this country's abbots and monks are not focusing enough on the lofty teachings of Buddha.
"All too many monks in this country do not observe even the most rudimentary precepts required of lay Buddhists, let alone the 227 precepts that saffron-robed monks, who are supposed to propagate and teach the religion, must observe," said the English-language Nation newspaper in a June editorial after listing several scandals within the clergy.
"Many [believers] who call themselves Buddhist, are apparently content with superficially observing religious rites that they don't see as having much relevance to modern society, let alone their personal lives," it said.
Thai Buddhist clergy are often in the news here for all the wrong reasons, including their money-minded obsession with manufacturing "magic" amulets, which are sold nationwide in an unregulated, multi- million-dollar industry, enriching select abbots and temples.
Purists complain that Thailand's Buddhist clergy have fallen into "corrupt" practices by playing on people's superstitious belief in the popular amulets, and for also getting in trouble by occasionally cavorting with women and criminals.
Cross-border solidarity with Burma's beleaguered Buddhist clergy has not been strong.
Mistrust between the two communities is partly the result of brutal wars which Thailand and Burma fought against each other, hundreds of years ago.
Bangkok keeps those bloody events alive in school books, block- buster movies, and other dramatic reminders. Buddhism is supposed to transcend such barriers, but Thailand's clergy has not appeared willing, or able, to support Burma's clergy in its current march for democracy.
Many Buddhist monks in Thailand are instead happy to appear in public consecrating commercial buildings, blessing politicians of all stripes, flocking to shopping malls to check out the latest electronic gadgets, and lecturing followers about moral rectitude. Thailand and Burma share the Theravada Buddhist tradition, and both countries stress Buddhism in daily life, including the prominent publication of religious news in the media.
Most people in both nations display an extremely devout, generous and genuine reverence toward temples, shrines, icons, statues, pictures and other Buddhist symbols.
Wednesday, 26 September 2007, 11:11 am
by Richard S. Ehrlich
BANGKOK, Thailand -- Tens of thousands of maroon-robed monks are trying to stage a Buddhist revolution against Burma's military regime, but Buddhists in next-door Thailand have not lent support to the Burmese quest for democratic enlightenment.
Burma's Buddhist clergy, including young novices, ordained monks and senior abbots, are said to be as numerous as the armed forces in the impoverished nation also known as Myanmar.
An estimated 500,000 monasteries and temples -- many of them in disrepair and weakened by cracks and mildew -- are scattered throughout Burma, the biggest country in mainland Southeast Asia.
On the other side of Burma's eastern border, meanwhile, more than 400,000 Thai monks and novices live and study in 40,000 ornate Buddhist temples, often equipped with televisions, computers and other worldly items.
Wealthier Thailand's Buddhist monks, who wrap themselves in bright, saffron-colored robes, waged an embarrassing, failed demand during the summer to have Buddhism declared Thailand's state religion in the new constitution.
When Thai critics expressed dismay that Thai Buddhist monks were dabbling in politics, and appearing to alienate this country's minority religious faiths, the bid for a constitutional clause collapsed.
More than 90 percent of Thailand's 64 million people are Buddhists, and news of Burma's protests has been splashed across Thailand's broadcast and print media.
Burma is under harsh rule by a military which seized power in a 1962 coup.
Thailand is currently trying to emerge from military rule after army generals staged a bloodless coup one year ago.
The most vivid public display by Thailand's military toward Burma's military was a two-day visit to Burma in August by Bangkok's coup leader, Army Commander-in-Chief Gen. Sonthi Boonyaratkalin. A photograph published in Thailand's leading English-language newspaper, The Bangkok Post, on Aug. 29 showed Gen. Sonthi politely bowing his head while shaking hands with Burma's military leader, Senior Gen. Than Shwe, after the two green-uniformed men met in Naypyidaw, Burma's new capital.
Burma's military regime occasionally snipes at its Buddhist clergy for being infiltrated by "bogus monks" who are allegedly puppets of "traitors" manipulated by America, Britain, and other foreign countries which seek to exploit Burma's oil, natural gas, and other resources, Thailand's Buddhist clergy, meanwhile, is often hit by domestic criticism from Thai columnists, intellectuals and others who are dismayed that this country's abbots and monks are not focusing enough on the lofty teachings of Buddha.
"All too many monks in this country do not observe even the most rudimentary precepts required of lay Buddhists, let alone the 227 precepts that saffron-robed monks, who are supposed to propagate and teach the religion, must observe," said the English-language Nation newspaper in a June editorial after listing several scandals within the clergy.
"Many [believers] who call themselves Buddhist, are apparently content with superficially observing religious rites that they don't see as having much relevance to modern society, let alone their personal lives," it said.
Thai Buddhist clergy are often in the news here for all the wrong reasons, including their money-minded obsession with manufacturing "magic" amulets, which are sold nationwide in an unregulated, multi- million-dollar industry, enriching select abbots and temples.
Purists complain that Thailand's Buddhist clergy have fallen into "corrupt" practices by playing on people's superstitious belief in the popular amulets, and for also getting in trouble by occasionally cavorting with women and criminals.
Cross-border solidarity with Burma's beleaguered Buddhist clergy has not been strong.
Mistrust between the two communities is partly the result of brutal wars which Thailand and Burma fought against each other, hundreds of years ago.
Bangkok keeps those bloody events alive in school books, block- buster movies, and other dramatic reminders. Buddhism is supposed to transcend such barriers, but Thailand's clergy has not appeared willing, or able, to support Burma's clergy in its current march for democracy.
Many Buddhist monks in Thailand are instead happy to appear in public consecrating commercial buildings, blessing politicians of all stripes, flocking to shopping malls to check out the latest electronic gadgets, and lecturing followers about moral rectitude. Thailand and Burma share the Theravada Buddhist tradition, and both countries stress Buddhism in daily life, including the prominent publication of religious news in the media.
Most people in both nations display an extremely devout, generous and genuine reverence toward temples, shrines, icons, statues, pictures and other Buddhist symbols.
Wednesday, September 26, 2007
Monk-led demonstration welcomed by New Mon State Party
Kaowao: September 26, 2007
The cease-fire New Mon State Party (NMSP) welcomed Buddhist monk-led demonstration because people have made a right decision according to leaders of the party.
"Protests occurring at the moment with both ordinary citizens and monks are seeking to solve the problem of all people; this protesting is completely in line with people's desires," said Nai Hongsar, Secretary General of the NMSP.
"They are seeking help for these protests wherever they can. We really appreciate that the monks are taking action on behalf of the people, and that they are doing so peacefully and with dignity. If the government doesn't respond what they are doing in the right way, more trouble will inevitably spread throughout the country. The demonstrations are growing bigger and bigger everyday," he reminded government authorities.
"Protestors today requested facts from the government in an effort to solve the conflict among political groups, begin national reconciliation and also to seek out the best solution," said another NMSP leader.
"The NMSP Central Committee is now holding a meeting where we will discuss this current wave of demonstrations," one Central Committee member told to Kaowao.
Nai Ong Mangae, the spokesman of NMSP said, “the NMSP welcomed the protests led by the monk because the monks demand to start a tripartite dialogue and to release all political prisoners in Burma that are totally the same of our demands that we have asked the government since we signed the ceasefire agreement.
Nai Hongsar, in his most recent statement to Kaowao, said that whatever the NMSP spokesperson announces in regards to the demonstrations has the full support of the NMSP.
The NMSP is one of the strongest ethnic ceasefire groups and occasionally speaks out in support of an open dialogue with the military regime. The NMSP is headed by nine CEC (Central Executive Committee) comprised of Nai Htaw Mon, Nai Rotsa, Nai Hongsar and Nai Chan Toi. It reached a cease-fire agreement on the 29th June, 1995 after more than four decades of fighting against the successive military governments.
The cease-fire New Mon State Party (NMSP) welcomed Buddhist monk-led demonstration because people have made a right decision according to leaders of the party.
"Protests occurring at the moment with both ordinary citizens and monks are seeking to solve the problem of all people; this protesting is completely in line with people's desires," said Nai Hongsar, Secretary General of the NMSP.
"They are seeking help for these protests wherever they can. We really appreciate that the monks are taking action on behalf of the people, and that they are doing so peacefully and with dignity. If the government doesn't respond what they are doing in the right way, more trouble will inevitably spread throughout the country. The demonstrations are growing bigger and bigger everyday," he reminded government authorities.
"Protestors today requested facts from the government in an effort to solve the conflict among political groups, begin national reconciliation and also to seek out the best solution," said another NMSP leader.
"The NMSP Central Committee is now holding a meeting where we will discuss this current wave of demonstrations," one Central Committee member told to Kaowao.
Nai Ong Mangae, the spokesman of NMSP said, “the NMSP welcomed the protests led by the monk because the monks demand to start a tripartite dialogue and to release all political prisoners in Burma that are totally the same of our demands that we have asked the government since we signed the ceasefire agreement.
Nai Hongsar, in his most recent statement to Kaowao, said that whatever the NMSP spokesperson announces in regards to the demonstrations has the full support of the NMSP.
The NMSP is one of the strongest ethnic ceasefire groups and occasionally speaks out in support of an open dialogue with the military regime. The NMSP is headed by nine CEC (Central Executive Committee) comprised of Nai Htaw Mon, Nai Rotsa, Nai Hongsar and Nai Chan Toi. It reached a cease-fire agreement on the 29th June, 1995 after more than four decades of fighting against the successive military governments.
သာသနာေရး၀န္ႀကီးအေပၚ သံဃာမ်ားမေက်နပ္
Irrawaddy
ကိုစိုး | စက္တင္ဘာ ၂၅၊ ၂၀၀၇
လတ္တေလာ ဆႏၵျပေနေသာ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားအေပၚ ဓမၼစက္ျဖင့္ေဆာင္႐ြက္ျခင္းကို မလိုက္နာပါက ဥပေဒအရ အေရးယူ မည္ဟူေသာ သာသနာေရး၀န္ႀကီး ဗိုလ္မႉးခ်ဳပ္ သူရျမင့္ေမာင္၏ ေလွ်ာက္ထားခ်က္ကို သံဃာထုမ်ား အတြင္း မေက်မနပ္ျဖစ္ ေနေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
ယမန္ေန႔က ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ သံဃမဟာနာယက အဖြဲ႕သို႔ သာသနာေရး၀န္ႀကီး၏ ေလွ်ာက္ထားခ်က္ႏွင့္ ထုတ္ျပန္ ေၾကညာ ခ်က္မ်ားကို သံဃာထုမ်ားအတြင္း မေက်မနပ္ ျဖစ္ေနၾကသည္ဟု ပခုကၠဴၿမိဳ႕ မဟာ၀ိဇယာရာမ (အေရွ႕တိုက္)မွ သံဃာေတာ္တပါးက ေျပာသည္။
“သံဃာေတြၾကားမွာ ၀န္ႀကီးက မဟုတ္တာေတြ ေျပာတယ္ဆိုၿပီး မေက်မနပ္ျဖစ္ေနၾကတယ္”ဟု ၎က ေျပာ သည္။
ယေန႔ ေန႔လယ္ပိုင္း ဆြမ္းစားၿပီးခ်ိန္တြင္ ညႊန္ၾကားခ်က္အရ ဆိုကာ ေက်ာင္းထိုင္ဆရာေတာ္မ်ားက အဆိုပါ သာသနာေရး
၀န္ႀကီး၏ ေလွ်ာက္ထားခ်က္ႏွင့္ ထုတ္ျပန္ေၾကညာခ်က္မ်ားကို ဖတ္ျပၿပီး စာ႐ြက္မ်ားကို သံဃာမ်ား အား ေ၀ငွသည္ ဟုလည္း ပခုကၠဴအေရွ႕တိုက္ သံဃာေတာ္က ေျပာသည္။
ျမင္းၿခံၿမိဳ႕ကိုးေဆာင္တိုက္ ဆရာေတာ္ကလည္း“ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာ ဆႏၵျပတဲ့ သံဃာေတြကို ဆက္လက္ၿပီး အၾကမ္းဖက္ မယ္ဆိုရင္ေတာ့ ပိုဆိုးလာလိမ့္မယ္လို႔ ထင္တယ္၊ ၿပီးေတာ့ ကိုယ့္ဘာသာ၀င္ေတြကို ဒီလုိျပဳလုပ္တာေတြဟာ ကမၻာ့အလယ္မွာလည္း အင္မတန္ ရွက္ဖို႔ ေကာင္းပါ တယ္”ဟု ေျပာသည္။
သာသနာေရး ၀န္ႀကီးက ေလ်ွာက္ထားရာတြင္ မနာလိုမ႐ႈဆိတ္ေသာ အဖ်က္သမားမ်ားက အစိုးရ၏ေဆာင္႐ြက္ ခ်က္မ်ားကို ပ်က္ဆီးေစရန္ နည္းမ်ိဳးစုံျဖင့္ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားသို႔ ေသြးထုိးျခင္းျဖစ္ၿပီး လမ္းေပၚထြက္လာေသာ သံဃာမ်ားမွာ ၂ ရာနႈန္းမွ်ပင္မရွိ၊ သာသနာေတာ္ ညႇိဳးႏြမ္းမည့္ အႏၱရာယ္ရွိေၾကာင္း၊ ထုိ႔ေၾကာင့္ ဆရာေတာ္ႀကီး မ်ားက လမ္းညႊန္
ၾသ၀ါဒေပးေစလိုေၾကာင္း စသည္ျဖင့္ ယေန႔ထုတ္ အစိုးရသတင္းစာမ်ားတြင္ ပါရွိသည္။
သတင္းစာတြင္ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္သံဃမဟာနာယကအဖြဲ႕၏ စက္တင္ဘာ ၂၄ ရက္ ေန႔စြဲျဖင့္ထုတ္ျပန္သည့္ ညႊန္ၾကားလႊာ အသစ္ အမွတ္ (၉၃) ႏွင့္ ယခင္ ထုန္ျပန္ထားေသာ ညႊန္ၾကားလႊာ အမွတ္ (၈၁) ၊ (၈၃) ၊ (၈၅) ႏွင့္ (၆၅) တို႔ကိုလည္း ေဖာ္ျပထားသည္။
ယေန႔နံနက္ပိုင္းကစတင္၍ ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕တြင္း၌ စစ္ကားမ်ားႏွင့္လွည့္လည္ကာ ဆႏၵျပရာတြင္ပါ၀င္အားေပး သူမ်ားကို ဥပေဒအရ အေရးယူမည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း အာဏာပိုင္မ်ားက ေလာ္စပီကာမ်ားျဖင့္ သတိေပးေျပာၾကားသည္။
ပခုကၠဴၿမိဳ႕မွ ဆရာေတာ္ တပါးကမူ ျပည္သူမ်ားအတြက္သာမက အစိုးရအပါအ၀င္ အားလုံးက်န္းမာခ်မ္းသာရန္၊ ကမၻာႏွင့္ ရင္ေပါင္တန္းႏိုင္သည့္ ႏိုင္ငံ တႏိုင္ငံျဖစ္လာရန္အတြက္ သံဃာမ်ားကေဆာင္႐ြက္ေနျခင္းျဖစ္ေသာ ေၾကာင့္ ေနာက္ဆုတ္မည္မဟုတ္ဟု ေျပာသည္။
“ဒီမွာ လုပ္ၾကတဲ့ သံဃာေတြကေတာ့ ကိုယ္က်ိဳးအတြက္လုပ္ၾကတာ မဟုတ္ ဘူး၊ တိုင္းျပည္အတြက္ လုပ္ၾကတာပဲ၊ ဒါေပမယ့္ သူတို႔ ပုံစံေတြက အသက္ေတာင္ စေတးမယ့္ ပုံစံေတြပဲ” ဟုလည္း ၎က ေျပာသည္။
လြန္ခဲ့ေသာ တနဂၤေႏြေန႔က ပခုကၠဴ ၿမိဳ႕ေပၚရွိေက်ာင္းတိုက္ အသီးသီးမွ ကုိယ္စားျပဳ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားသည္ စည္းေ၀းပြဲျပဳ လုပ္၍ ဆုံးျဖတ္ခ်က္ ၂ ခု ခ်မွတ္ၿပီး ေရွ႕လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္ အစီအစဥ္မ်ားကို ေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့သည္။
အဆိုပါ အစည္းအေ၀းတြင္ နအဖ အစိုးရက ပခုကၠဴၿမိဳ႕ေနသံဃာေတာ္မ်ားကို စက္တင္ဘာ ၅ ရက္ေန႔က ျဖစ္ပြား ခဲ့သည့္ ျဖစ္ရပ္အတြက္ ၀န္ခ်ေတာင္းပန္ေၾကာင္း ႏိုင္ငံပိုင္ သတင္းစာ၊ ျမန္မာ့႐ုပ္ျမင္သံၾကား၊ ျမန္မာ့အသံ စေသာ သတင္းဌာနမ်ားမွ တရား၀င္ေၾကညာေပးေစရန္ ဆက္လက္ၿပီးတန္းစီလမ္းေလွ်ာက္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာ ေမတၱာပို႔ ၾကရန္ ႏွင့္ နအဖ အစိုးရက ထုိသို႔ေတာင္းပန္စကား ေလွ်ာက္ထားေက်ေအးေစၿပီး ေသြးေျမမက်အရပ္သားအစိုးရထံ အာဏာ လႊဲေျပာင္းေပးသည္အထိ သေဘာထားႀကီးမားစြာေျဖရွင္းေပးခဲ့လွ်င္ နအဖ အစိုးရ၏ ေနာင္ေအးခ်မ္း စြာ ေနထိုင္ႏိုင္ခြင့္ရေရးအတြက္ ပခုကၠဴၿမိဳ႕ရွိ သံဃာ့တပ္ေပါင္းစုသံဃာေတာ္တို႔က ေမတၱာတုန္႔ျပန္ေသာ အားျဖင့္ အသက္ေပး ကာကြယ္ေပးၾကရန္ အားလုံး သေဘာတူ ေဆြးေႏြးဆုံးျဖတ္ခဲ့ၾကသည္။
ေန႔လယ္ ၁၂ နာရီမွ ၃ နာရီ အထိ ပခုကၠဴၿမိဳ႕ လုံၿခံဳစိတ္ခ်ရသည့္ေနရာတြင္ ျပဳလုပ္ေသာ အဆိုပါစည္းေ၀းပြဲသို႔ ပခုကၠဴၿမိဳ႕ရွိ အဓိက စာသင္တုိက္ႀကီး ေလးတိုက္ႏွင့္ အရန္ေက်ာင္းတိုက္မ်ားက ကိုယ္စားျပဳ သံဃာေတာ္ ၁၅ ပါးခန္႔ က တက္ေရာက္သည္။
စက္တင္ဘာ ၅ ရက္ေန႔က ပခုကၠဴၿမိဳ႕ရွိ သံဃာအပါး ၅၀၀ ခန္႔ ေမတၱာပို႔ ႐ြတ္ဆိုရင္း လမ္းေလွ်ာက္ ဆႏၵျပၾကရာ စစ္တပ္က ေသနတ္ ၁၀ ခ်က္ခန္႔ပစ္ေဖာက္ၿပီး အာဏာပိုင္မ်ားႏွင့္ ႀကံ့ဖြံ႕၊ စြမ္းအားရွင္မ်ားက ယင္းဆႏၵျပ သံဃာ မ်ားအား ႐ုိက္ႏွက္ ဖမ္းဆီးခဲ့သည္။ ထုိသို႔ အၾကမ္းဖက္ ရုိက္ႏွက္ဖမ္းဆီးမႈေၾကာင့္ သံဃာ ၁၀ပါးခန္႔ ဖမ္းဆီးခံရၿပီး သံဃာတခ်ိဳ႕ ျပင္းထန္စြာ ဒဏ္ရာရကာ သံဃာေတာ္ တပါး ရိုက္ႏွက္ခံရသည့္ ဒဏ္ရာျဖင့္ ေဆး႐ုံ တင္ခဲ့ရသည္။
ကိုစိုး | စက္တင္ဘာ ၂၅၊ ၂၀၀၇
လတ္တေလာ ဆႏၵျပေနေသာ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားအေပၚ ဓမၼစက္ျဖင့္ေဆာင္႐ြက္ျခင္းကို မလိုက္နာပါက ဥပေဒအရ အေရးယူ မည္ဟူေသာ သာသနာေရး၀န္ႀကီး ဗိုလ္မႉးခ်ဳပ္ သူရျမင့္ေမာင္၏ ေလွ်ာက္ထားခ်က္ကို သံဃာထုမ်ား အတြင္း မေက်မနပ္ျဖစ္ ေနေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
ယမန္ေန႔က ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ သံဃမဟာနာယက အဖြဲ႕သို႔ သာသနာေရး၀န္ႀကီး၏ ေလွ်ာက္ထားခ်က္ႏွင့္ ထုတ္ျပန္ ေၾကညာ ခ်က္မ်ားကို သံဃာထုမ်ားအတြင္း မေက်မနပ္ ျဖစ္ေနၾကသည္ဟု ပခုကၠဴၿမိဳ႕ မဟာ၀ိဇယာရာမ (အေရွ႕တိုက္)မွ သံဃာေတာ္တပါးက ေျပာသည္။
“သံဃာေတြၾကားမွာ ၀န္ႀကီးက မဟုတ္တာေတြ ေျပာတယ္ဆိုၿပီး မေက်မနပ္ျဖစ္ေနၾကတယ္”ဟု ၎က ေျပာ သည္။
ယေန႔ ေန႔လယ္ပိုင္း ဆြမ္းစားၿပီးခ်ိန္တြင္ ညႊန္ၾကားခ်က္အရ ဆိုကာ ေက်ာင္းထိုင္ဆရာေတာ္မ်ားက အဆိုပါ သာသနာေရး
၀န္ႀကီး၏ ေလွ်ာက္ထားခ်က္ႏွင့္ ထုတ္ျပန္ေၾကညာခ်က္မ်ားကို ဖတ္ျပၿပီး စာ႐ြက္မ်ားကို သံဃာမ်ား အား ေ၀ငွသည္ ဟုလည္း ပခုကၠဴအေရွ႕တိုက္ သံဃာေတာ္က ေျပာသည္။
ျမင္းၿခံၿမိဳ႕ကိုးေဆာင္တိုက္ ဆရာေတာ္ကလည္း“ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာ ဆႏၵျပတဲ့ သံဃာေတြကို ဆက္လက္ၿပီး အၾကမ္းဖက္ မယ္ဆိုရင္ေတာ့ ပိုဆိုးလာလိမ့္မယ္လို႔ ထင္တယ္၊ ၿပီးေတာ့ ကိုယ့္ဘာသာ၀င္ေတြကို ဒီလုိျပဳလုပ္တာေတြဟာ ကမၻာ့အလယ္မွာလည္း အင္မတန္ ရွက္ဖို႔ ေကာင္းပါ တယ္”ဟု ေျပာသည္။
သာသနာေရး ၀န္ႀကီးက ေလ်ွာက္ထားရာတြင္ မနာလိုမ႐ႈဆိတ္ေသာ အဖ်က္သမားမ်ားက အစိုးရ၏ေဆာင္႐ြက္ ခ်က္မ်ားကို ပ်က္ဆီးေစရန္ နည္းမ်ိဳးစုံျဖင့္ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားသို႔ ေသြးထုိးျခင္းျဖစ္ၿပီး လမ္းေပၚထြက္လာေသာ သံဃာမ်ားမွာ ၂ ရာနႈန္းမွ်ပင္မရွိ၊ သာသနာေတာ္ ညႇိဳးႏြမ္းမည့္ အႏၱရာယ္ရွိေၾကာင္း၊ ထုိ႔ေၾကာင့္ ဆရာေတာ္ႀကီး မ်ားက လမ္းညႊန္
ၾသ၀ါဒေပးေစလိုေၾကာင္း စသည္ျဖင့္ ယေန႔ထုတ္ အစိုးရသတင္းစာမ်ားတြင္ ပါရွိသည္။
သတင္းစာတြင္ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္သံဃမဟာနာယကအဖြဲ႕၏ စက္တင္ဘာ ၂၄ ရက္ ေန႔စြဲျဖင့္ထုတ္ျပန္သည့္ ညႊန္ၾကားလႊာ အသစ္ အမွတ္ (၉၃) ႏွင့္ ယခင္ ထုန္ျပန္ထားေသာ ညႊန္ၾကားလႊာ အမွတ္ (၈၁) ၊ (၈၃) ၊ (၈၅) ႏွင့္ (၆၅) တို႔ကိုလည္း ေဖာ္ျပထားသည္။
ယေန႔နံနက္ပိုင္းကစတင္၍ ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕တြင္း၌ စစ္ကားမ်ားႏွင့္လွည့္လည္ကာ ဆႏၵျပရာတြင္ပါ၀င္အားေပး သူမ်ားကို ဥပေဒအရ အေရးယူမည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း အာဏာပိုင္မ်ားက ေလာ္စပီကာမ်ားျဖင့္ သတိေပးေျပာၾကားသည္။
ပခုကၠဴၿမိဳ႕မွ ဆရာေတာ္ တပါးကမူ ျပည္သူမ်ားအတြက္သာမက အစိုးရအပါအ၀င္ အားလုံးက်န္းမာခ်မ္းသာရန္၊ ကမၻာႏွင့္ ရင္ေပါင္တန္းႏိုင္သည့္ ႏိုင္ငံ တႏိုင္ငံျဖစ္လာရန္အတြက္ သံဃာမ်ားကေဆာင္႐ြက္ေနျခင္းျဖစ္ေသာ ေၾကာင့္ ေနာက္ဆုတ္မည္မဟုတ္ဟု ေျပာသည္။
“ဒီမွာ လုပ္ၾကတဲ့ သံဃာေတြကေတာ့ ကိုယ္က်ိဳးအတြက္လုပ္ၾကတာ မဟုတ္ ဘူး၊ တိုင္းျပည္အတြက္ လုပ္ၾကတာပဲ၊ ဒါေပမယ့္ သူတို႔ ပုံစံေတြက အသက္ေတာင္ စေတးမယ့္ ပုံစံေတြပဲ” ဟုလည္း ၎က ေျပာသည္။
လြန္ခဲ့ေသာ တနဂၤေႏြေန႔က ပခုကၠဴ ၿမိဳ႕ေပၚရွိေက်ာင္းတိုက္ အသီးသီးမွ ကုိယ္စားျပဳ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားသည္ စည္းေ၀းပြဲျပဳ လုပ္၍ ဆုံးျဖတ္ခ်က္ ၂ ခု ခ်မွတ္ၿပီး ေရွ႕လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္ အစီအစဥ္မ်ားကို ေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့သည္။
အဆိုပါ အစည္းအေ၀းတြင္ နအဖ အစိုးရက ပခုကၠဴၿမိဳ႕ေနသံဃာေတာ္မ်ားကို စက္တင္ဘာ ၅ ရက္ေန႔က ျဖစ္ပြား ခဲ့သည့္ ျဖစ္ရပ္အတြက္ ၀န္ခ်ေတာင္းပန္ေၾကာင္း ႏိုင္ငံပိုင္ သတင္းစာ၊ ျမန္မာ့႐ုပ္ျမင္သံၾကား၊ ျမန္မာ့အသံ စေသာ သတင္းဌာနမ်ားမွ တရား၀င္ေၾကညာေပးေစရန္ ဆက္လက္ၿပီးတန္းစီလမ္းေလွ်ာက္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာ ေမတၱာပို႔ ၾကရန္ ႏွင့္ နအဖ အစိုးရက ထုိသို႔ေတာင္းပန္စကား ေလွ်ာက္ထားေက်ေအးေစၿပီး ေသြးေျမမက်အရပ္သားအစိုးရထံ အာဏာ လႊဲေျပာင္းေပးသည္အထိ သေဘာထားႀကီးမားစြာေျဖရွင္းေပးခဲ့လွ်င္ နအဖ အစိုးရ၏ ေနာင္ေအးခ်မ္း စြာ ေနထိုင္ႏိုင္ခြင့္ရေရးအတြက္ ပခုကၠဴၿမိဳ႕ရွိ သံဃာ့တပ္ေပါင္းစုသံဃာေတာ္တို႔က ေမတၱာတုန္႔ျပန္ေသာ အားျဖင့္ အသက္ေပး ကာကြယ္ေပးၾကရန္ အားလုံး သေဘာတူ ေဆြးေႏြးဆုံးျဖတ္ခဲ့ၾကသည္။
ေန႔လယ္ ၁၂ နာရီမွ ၃ နာရီ အထိ ပခုကၠဴၿမိဳ႕ လုံၿခံဳစိတ္ခ်ရသည့္ေနရာတြင္ ျပဳလုပ္ေသာ အဆိုပါစည္းေ၀းပြဲသို႔ ပခုကၠဴၿမိဳ႕ရွိ အဓိက စာသင္တုိက္ႀကီး ေလးတိုက္ႏွင့္ အရန္ေက်ာင္းတိုက္မ်ားက ကိုယ္စားျပဳ သံဃာေတာ္ ၁၅ ပါးခန္႔ က တက္ေရာက္သည္။
စက္တင္ဘာ ၅ ရက္ေန႔က ပခုကၠဴၿမိဳ႕ရွိ သံဃာအပါး ၅၀၀ ခန္႔ ေမတၱာပို႔ ႐ြတ္ဆိုရင္း လမ္းေလွ်ာက္ ဆႏၵျပၾကရာ စစ္တပ္က ေသနတ္ ၁၀ ခ်က္ခန္႔ပစ္ေဖာက္ၿပီး အာဏာပိုင္မ်ားႏွင့္ ႀကံ့ဖြံ႕၊ စြမ္းအားရွင္မ်ားက ယင္းဆႏၵျပ သံဃာ မ်ားအား ႐ုိက္ႏွက္ ဖမ္းဆီးခဲ့သည္။ ထုိသို႔ အၾကမ္းဖက္ ရုိက္ႏွက္ဖမ္းဆီးမႈေၾကာင့္ သံဃာ ၁၀ပါးခန္႔ ဖမ္းဆီးခံရၿပီး သံဃာတခ်ိဳ႕ ျပင္းထန္စြာ ဒဏ္ရာရကာ သံဃာေတာ္ တပါး ရိုက္ႏွက္ခံရသည့္ ဒဏ္ရာျဖင့္ ေဆး႐ုံ တင္ခဲ့ရသည္။
Tuesday, September 25, 2007
Mon State: Monks continue marching in the Students’ Quarter
Kaowao: September 25, 2007
September the 25th was the second consecutive day of monks protesting in Myine Thayar quarter near the Mawlamyine University of Mon State.
According to one university student, “Over 400 monks walked along the Myine Thayar way and before long over 50 university students joined with them.”
“Today the protest numbers were not as high as yesterday because many monks have traveled to other monasteries to garner support for future protests,” said one protest leader.
“Yesterday and this morning the authorities visited every monastery and demanded they stop protesting. The warning stated that if the protests continue they will not be responsible for the well-being of protesters,” said a monk from an anonymous monastery. He added, “Even so, university students will take part with monks to perform the demonstration on September 26th.”
One University student reported to Kaowao that, “The demonstration left from Kyite Kha Mei and continued until around 2 PM, when they returned to Kyite Kha Mei and the group disassembled. Although the second day protest didn’t have as many people and monks as the first day, so many people came forward to donate water and food for the monks.”
“Myine Thar Yar authorities ordered the students to go back home after their exams are finished, however many students want to remain and join the protests,” said the University student.
September the 25th was the second consecutive day of monks protesting in Myine Thayar quarter near the Mawlamyine University of Mon State.
According to one university student, “Over 400 monks walked along the Myine Thayar way and before long over 50 university students joined with them.”
“Today the protest numbers were not as high as yesterday because many monks have traveled to other monasteries to garner support for future protests,” said one protest leader.
“Yesterday and this morning the authorities visited every monastery and demanded they stop protesting. The warning stated that if the protests continue they will not be responsible for the well-being of protesters,” said a monk from an anonymous monastery. He added, “Even so, university students will take part with monks to perform the demonstration on September 26th.”
One University student reported to Kaowao that, “The demonstration left from Kyite Kha Mei and continued until around 2 PM, when they returned to Kyite Kha Mei and the group disassembled. Although the second day protest didn’t have as many people and monks as the first day, so many people came forward to donate water and food for the monks.”
“Myine Thar Yar authorities ordered the students to go back home after their exams are finished, however many students want to remain and join the protests,” said the University student.
All Burma Monks Alliance and 88 Generation Students: Joint Statement of ABMA and 88 Students
All Burma Monks Alliance and 88 Generation Students: Joint Statement of ABMA and 88 Students (Unofficial translation)
Tue 25 Sep 2007
1. The entire people led by monks are staging peaceful protest to be freed from general crises of politics, economic and social by reciting Metta Sutra.
2. The ongoing protest is being joined by monks, nuns, Member of Parliaments, students, ethnics, artistes, intelligentsia and the people from all walks of life which is the biggest unity seen in last 20 years.
3. In this demonstration, we need to show we are deserved democracy by upholding the following 3 slogans adopted in consensus by the monks and endorsed by the entire people.
(a) Economic well-being
(b) Releasing political prisoners
(c) National Reconciliation
4. The entire people must aware the danger of government’s anti-strike counter- measure and violent crush by drawing lessons and experiences from 88 uprising, need to form the Mass Movement Committee and Anti-Violence Committee to prevent from such a violent crackdown.
5. The monks and students will not hesitate and not be deterred from any form of intimidation and violent crackdown will join hands with all the people and continue our struggle bravely and resolutely step by step for our beloved country.
Signed by
All Burma Monks Alliance
(1) U Aw Bar Tha (2) U Gambiya (3) U Khe Mein Da (4) U Pakata
88 Generation Students
(1) Htay Kywe (2) Tun Myint Naung (3) Hla Myo Naung (4) Aung Thu
Tue 25 Sep 2007
1. The entire people led by monks are staging peaceful protest to be freed from general crises of politics, economic and social by reciting Metta Sutra.
2. The ongoing protest is being joined by monks, nuns, Member of Parliaments, students, ethnics, artistes, intelligentsia and the people from all walks of life which is the biggest unity seen in last 20 years.
3. In this demonstration, we need to show we are deserved democracy by upholding the following 3 slogans adopted in consensus by the monks and endorsed by the entire people.
(a) Economic well-being
(b) Releasing political prisoners
(c) National Reconciliation
4. The entire people must aware the danger of government’s anti-strike counter- measure and violent crush by drawing lessons and experiences from 88 uprising, need to form the Mass Movement Committee and Anti-Violence Committee to prevent from such a violent crackdown.
5. The monks and students will not hesitate and not be deterred from any form of intimidation and violent crackdown will join hands with all the people and continue our struggle bravely and resolutely step by step for our beloved country.
Signed by
All Burma Monks Alliance
(1) U Aw Bar Tha (2) U Gambiya (3) U Khe Mein Da (4) U Pakata
88 Generation Students
(1) Htay Kywe (2) Tun Myint Naung (3) Hla Myo Naung (4) Aung Thu
INEB statement of support for demonstrations by Buddhist Monks in Burma
The International Network of Engaged Buddhists: INEB statement of support for demonstrations by Buddhist Monks in Burma
Tue 25 Sep 2007
Statement of Support for Peaceful Demonstrations by Buddhist Monks in Burma
The International Network of Engaged Buddhists (INEB), a global network of activists, spiritual leaders, academics, and organizations from all Buddhist sects, who integrate the practice of Buddhism and social action for a healthy, just and peaceful world, hereby wish to convey our strongest support and solidarity with the Buddhists monks and the people of Burma who are peacefully calling for the end of social and political suffering in Burma. In particular, we:
-strongly support the peaceful expressions of the loving-kindness and compassion for Burmese society by the Buddhist monks across Burma. We also support their demands:
-for the SPDC to offer their apologies to the monks for their violent actions last month
-to reduce all commodity prices, fuel prices, rice and cooking oil prices immediately
-to release all political prisoners including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and all detainees arrested in ongoing demonstrations over the fuel price hike,
-to enter into dialogue with democratic forces and ethnic nationalities for national reconciliation immediately
-to resolve the crises and difficulties faced by the people.
-welcome the State and Peace Development Council’s (SPDC) restraint in the use of violent means on the first day (September 18,2007) of demonstrations by Buddhist monks in various towns and cities across Burma, except the use of tear gas and violent break up of the demonstrations in Sittwe, the capital of Arakan State in western Burma. We also welcome the release of three monks, one novice, and ten other protesters who were arrested on Tuesday afternoon in Sittwe.
-are, however, extremely concerned over the latest news report of the SPDC’s secret declaration of a state of emergency which authorized regional and local authorities to use violent means, including an order to open fire, in cracking down on the demonstrations.
-urge the SPDC, who are also Buddhists, to apply and practice wisdom (panna), loving-kindness (metta) and compassion (karuna) in responding to the current situation by:
1. banning the authorization and use of all violent means in dealing with all demonstrations in Burma, including the use of tear gas, opening fire, and the hiring of local thugs (Swan Arr Shin and the SPDC’s proxy, USDA) to confront and crackdown on the peaceful protests, and to arrest and beat up demonstrators.
2. stopping the surveillance and all restrictions on monasteries and temples.
3. allowing peaceful demonstrations and expressions of concern and care for society by Buddhist monks and the people of Burma.
4. allowing independent media to cover the current events without restriction so that both sides of the story can be known and heard.
5. begin entering into dialogue and working for solution with Buddhist monks who play a very significant role as spiritual, cultural and social leaders in Burmese society.
INEB believes that every human being, including the personnel of SPDC, has the seed of Buddha, the potential for awakening and enlightenment. We hope the SPDC will take the current situation as an opportunity to let the seeds of Buddha within them grow by awakening to the need to start resolving the crises facing Burma through releasing Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, all political prisoners including imprisoned ethnic nationalities’ leaders, and starting a meaningful and compassionate dialogue with all relevant parties.
We will continue watching Burma closely with our utmost concern and we send our best wishes to all people of Burma. May Peace Prevail in Burma very soon!
International Network of Engaged Buddhists
666 Charoen Nakorn Road, Bang Lamphu Lang,
Klongsan, Bangkok 10600 THAILAND
Ph.:+66 2 860 2194, mobile ph.:+66 89 150 8084
fax:+66 2 437 7201
e-mail : ineboffice@yahoo.com
website: www.inebnetwork.org
Tue 25 Sep 2007
Statement of Support for Peaceful Demonstrations by Buddhist Monks in Burma
The International Network of Engaged Buddhists (INEB), a global network of activists, spiritual leaders, academics, and organizations from all Buddhist sects, who integrate the practice of Buddhism and social action for a healthy, just and peaceful world, hereby wish to convey our strongest support and solidarity with the Buddhists monks and the people of Burma who are peacefully calling for the end of social and political suffering in Burma. In particular, we:
-strongly support the peaceful expressions of the loving-kindness and compassion for Burmese society by the Buddhist monks across Burma. We also support their demands:
-for the SPDC to offer their apologies to the monks for their violent actions last month
-to reduce all commodity prices, fuel prices, rice and cooking oil prices immediately
-to release all political prisoners including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and all detainees arrested in ongoing demonstrations over the fuel price hike,
-to enter into dialogue with democratic forces and ethnic nationalities for national reconciliation immediately
-to resolve the crises and difficulties faced by the people.
-welcome the State and Peace Development Council’s (SPDC) restraint in the use of violent means on the first day (September 18,2007) of demonstrations by Buddhist monks in various towns and cities across Burma, except the use of tear gas and violent break up of the demonstrations in Sittwe, the capital of Arakan State in western Burma. We also welcome the release of three monks, one novice, and ten other protesters who were arrested on Tuesday afternoon in Sittwe.
-are, however, extremely concerned over the latest news report of the SPDC’s secret declaration of a state of emergency which authorized regional and local authorities to use violent means, including an order to open fire, in cracking down on the demonstrations.
-urge the SPDC, who are also Buddhists, to apply and practice wisdom (panna), loving-kindness (metta) and compassion (karuna) in responding to the current situation by:
1. banning the authorization and use of all violent means in dealing with all demonstrations in Burma, including the use of tear gas, opening fire, and the hiring of local thugs (Swan Arr Shin and the SPDC’s proxy, USDA) to confront and crackdown on the peaceful protests, and to arrest and beat up demonstrators.
2. stopping the surveillance and all restrictions on monasteries and temples.
3. allowing peaceful demonstrations and expressions of concern and care for society by Buddhist monks and the people of Burma.
4. allowing independent media to cover the current events without restriction so that both sides of the story can be known and heard.
5. begin entering into dialogue and working for solution with Buddhist monks who play a very significant role as spiritual, cultural and social leaders in Burmese society.
INEB believes that every human being, including the personnel of SPDC, has the seed of Buddha, the potential for awakening and enlightenment. We hope the SPDC will take the current situation as an opportunity to let the seeds of Buddha within them grow by awakening to the need to start resolving the crises facing Burma through releasing Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, all political prisoners including imprisoned ethnic nationalities’ leaders, and starting a meaningful and compassionate dialogue with all relevant parties.
We will continue watching Burma closely with our utmost concern and we send our best wishes to all people of Burma. May Peace Prevail in Burma very soon!
International Network of Engaged Buddhists
666 Charoen Nakorn Road, Bang Lamphu Lang,
Klongsan, Bangkok 10600 THAILAND
Ph.:+66 2 860 2194, mobile ph.:+66 89 150 8084
fax:+66 2 437 7201
e-mail : ineboffice@yahoo.com
website: www.inebnetwork.org
Dalai Lama Supports Burmese Monks
Irrawaddy
Dalai Lama Supports Burmese Monks; South African Churches Send Encouragement
By Sai Silp
September 24, 2007
The Dalai Lama has offered his support to Burmese monks who are leading public demonstrations against the military-led government.
He appealed to members of the Burmese military regime who are Buddhist to act in accordance with the Dharma in the spirit of compassion and nonviolence, in a statement released on Sunday.
The Dalai Lama, a Nobel Peace laureate, expressed solidarity with the monks and the people of Burma.
“I fully support their call for freedom and democracy,” he said. “Moreover, I wish to convey my sincere appreciation and admiration to the large number of fellow Buddhist monks for advocating democracy and freedom in Burma.”
“I pray for the success of this peaceful movement and the early release of fellow Nobel Peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi,” he said.
On Friday, the South African Council of Churches also released a statement calling on South Africans to support Burma’s democracy activists.
The SACC also noted reports of increasing intimidation of Burmese journalists who are trying to report on the ongoing protests.
“This looks like a desperate attempt by the military authorities to prevent news from Burma reaching the outside world,” said Prof. Tinyiko Maluleke, SACC's president, “but history has shown us that when a country unites for peaceful change, not even the most brutal regime can stem the tide."
Last week, the Hong Kong-based Asian Human Rights Commission urged the Buddhist community worldwide to join with monks in Burma and boycott all members or supporters of the Burmese military regime.
"We urge the honourable members of the Sangha (Buddhist community) everywhere to follow the example set by their counterparts in Burma and formally declare that they will not accept alms from representatives of the military government, including staff of Burmese embassies and consulates, or persons directly associated with it," said Basil Fernando, executive director of the Hong Kong-based regional rights group.
"The monks are clearly demonstrating against what has been happening in their country but trying to avoid bloodshed at all costs," he said, pointing out that they had prevented large crowds from gathering around them or walking with them, which could be used as a pretext for violence by the regime.
Dalai Lama Supports Burmese Monks; South African Churches Send Encouragement
By Sai Silp
September 24, 2007
The Dalai Lama has offered his support to Burmese monks who are leading public demonstrations against the military-led government.
He appealed to members of the Burmese military regime who are Buddhist to act in accordance with the Dharma in the spirit of compassion and nonviolence, in a statement released on Sunday.
The Dalai Lama, a Nobel Peace laureate, expressed solidarity with the monks and the people of Burma.
“I fully support their call for freedom and democracy,” he said. “Moreover, I wish to convey my sincere appreciation and admiration to the large number of fellow Buddhist monks for advocating democracy and freedom in Burma.”
“I pray for the success of this peaceful movement and the early release of fellow Nobel Peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi,” he said.
On Friday, the South African Council of Churches also released a statement calling on South Africans to support Burma’s democracy activists.
The SACC also noted reports of increasing intimidation of Burmese journalists who are trying to report on the ongoing protests.
“This looks like a desperate attempt by the military authorities to prevent news from Burma reaching the outside world,” said Prof. Tinyiko Maluleke, SACC's president, “but history has shown us that when a country unites for peaceful change, not even the most brutal regime can stem the tide."
Last week, the Hong Kong-based Asian Human Rights Commission urged the Buddhist community worldwide to join with monks in Burma and boycott all members or supporters of the Burmese military regime.
"We urge the honourable members of the Sangha (Buddhist community) everywhere to follow the example set by their counterparts in Burma and formally declare that they will not accept alms from representatives of the military government, including staff of Burmese embassies and consulates, or persons directly associated with it," said Basil Fernando, executive director of the Hong Kong-based regional rights group.
"The monks are clearly demonstrating against what has been happening in their country but trying to avoid bloodshed at all costs," he said, pointing out that they had prevented large crowds from gathering around them or walking with them, which could be used as a pretext for violence by the regime.
Monday, September 24, 2007
Monks from Mawlamyine Protest Today
Kaowao: September 24, 2007
Buddhist monks from various monasteries in Mawlamyine protested today, according to sources from the capital of Mon State, southern Burma.
The demonstration leader claimed over 300 monks first met at the Myine Yatanar market (Zay Gyi) today, “…and from there walked into the town and read the Buddhist teachings (Metta Thoat). By 4 o’clock they arrived at Thiri Myaing quarter and whilst walking on to Zay Gyo, the number of monks increased to between 1500 and 2000.”
“Three different Monk associations protested today in three places. At 12:30 there was between 300 and 400 members at each demonstration site,” the source told to Kaowao.
“As they walked from Kyite Sake (Kyaik Thoat), Mayangone Quarter, they had over 200 members join in. Following this, they walked on to the Kyite Thanlan Pagoda, and from here they continued to the U Zi Na pagoda again,” he added.
An additional 100 monks joined the march from Kyite Thanlan to Zay Gyo Bus Terminal, but broke up at around 3:30 when the group reached Zay Gyo.
One onlooker reported to Kaowao that, this protesting group arranged themselves in rows, while three monks read out the Buddhist teachings. In the front row the religion’s flag was held proudly.
According to the protest leader, Rev. Thumana (not his real name), “Today is the first day of protests, so we didn’t want the people involved.” Even so, when the protest crossed in front of schools many students emerged to encourage those marching. News then emerged that University students will participate with the monks in their protest. On September 26th, University students will finish up their final exam.
“Yesterday different Monks’ Associations met in downtown Kyite Sake and planned for a demonstration to boycott the military regime or ‘PattaNiKookZaNa’ for all the monks in Mawlamyine,” said the Buddhist monk.
Buddhist monks from various monasteries in Mawlamyine protested today, according to sources from the capital of Mon State, southern Burma.
The demonstration leader claimed over 300 monks first met at the Myine Yatanar market (Zay Gyi) today, “…and from there walked into the town and read the Buddhist teachings (Metta Thoat). By 4 o’clock they arrived at Thiri Myaing quarter and whilst walking on to Zay Gyo, the number of monks increased to between 1500 and 2000.”
“Three different Monk associations protested today in three places. At 12:30 there was between 300 and 400 members at each demonstration site,” the source told to Kaowao.
“As they walked from Kyite Sake (Kyaik Thoat), Mayangone Quarter, they had over 200 members join in. Following this, they walked on to the Kyite Thanlan Pagoda, and from here they continued to the U Zi Na pagoda again,” he added.
An additional 100 monks joined the march from Kyite Thanlan to Zay Gyo Bus Terminal, but broke up at around 3:30 when the group reached Zay Gyo.
One onlooker reported to Kaowao that, this protesting group arranged themselves in rows, while three monks read out the Buddhist teachings. In the front row the religion’s flag was held proudly.
According to the protest leader, Rev. Thumana (not his real name), “Today is the first day of protests, so we didn’t want the people involved.” Even so, when the protest crossed in front of schools many students emerged to encourage those marching. News then emerged that University students will participate with the monks in their protest. On September 26th, University students will finish up their final exam.
“Yesterday different Monks’ Associations met in downtown Kyite Sake and planned for a demonstration to boycott the military regime or ‘PattaNiKookZaNa’ for all the monks in Mawlamyine,” said the Buddhist monk.
Burma monks take on junta in street protests
AFP
September 23, 2007 12:00am
EMBOLDENED after a march to see Burma's detained democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi, Buddhist monks have vowed fresh protests in the biggest challenge to the junta's rule in nearly two decades.
Analysts in Thailand say this was a landmark moment for the protest movement, but suspect the military's low-key reaction aims to take the steam out of the marches.
In an unprecedented move, the army yesterday allowed about 2000 young monks and civilians to pass a roadblock and gather by the lakeside Rangoon house which has been Aung San Suu Kyi's prison for 12 of the past 18 years.
Tears in her eyes, the woman known in Burma as "The Lady" waved at monks as they recited Buddhist prayers, witnesses said, while supporters chanted: "Long life and health for Aung San Suu Kyi, may she have freedom soon".
The 62-year-old has become an internationally recognised symbol of non-violent political change since her National League for Democracy won 1990 elections by a landslide.
The military never recognised the result and tried to silence Aung San Suu Kyi by keeping her under house arrest.
One underground Buddhist group calling itself the All Burma Monks Alliance called for nationwide prayer vigils starting today - the latest peaceful action against the military rulers since an August 15 rise in fuel prices.
The group said clergy would lead a "people's alliance" that would "struggle peacefully against the evil military dictatorship till its complete downfall".
What began as a protest against economic hardship has now swelled, with marches against military rule attracting thousands of monks to the streets of Rangoon and other cities including Mandalay since Tuesday.
The military - which has ruled Burma in some form since 1962 - now faces a quandary, analysts say.
Launching a violent and public crackdown on deeply-revered monks would outrage people in Burma and the international community, but doing nothing at all leaves the military regime vulnerable.
"If they crack down seriously on the monks it means it would also seriously inflame the rest of the population, including members of the military themselves for attacking the sacred and very prestigious institution," said Debbie Stothard, of Thailand-based democracy pressure group Altsean Burma.
"So the military regime is really in a lose-lose situation."
The junta normally does not tolerate the slightest show of public dissent, and authorities during the past month have arrested more than 150 people.
"The junta is well aware that if it cracks down on demonstrations, it will give the United States ammunition to attack Burma at the UN Security Council," said Aung Naing Oo, a Thailand-based Burma analyst.
"The military does not want to see this scenario."
Win Min, a Burmese academic who lectures at Chiang Mai university in Thailand, said that allowing monks to visit Aung San Suu Kyi was a sign that the junta sought a non-violent conclusion to the protests.
"It's clear that the junta is under pressure from China to solve the situation peacefully," he told AFP.
While pleas for democratic reform and the imposition of sanctions by the United States and Europe appear to have little effect on the junta, key allies China and India, which buy Burma's natural gas and other resources, have more clout.
China has previously insisted it would not pressure the junta, but in a rare move this month, Beijing's top diplomatic adviser Tang Jiaxuan gently nudged the junta to adopt democratic changes.
"China sees Burma's junta is the only institution providing stability in the country," said Aung Naing Oo.
"If the junta cracks down on monks, it would break that stability, and China does not want to see that happen."
India has not taken similar steps, and its oil minister today headed to Burma to sign contracts for oil and gas exploration.
Whether the junta's moves yesterday will diffuse tensions or further galvanise monks remains to be seen, with further marches planned today.
But Win Min said that people were unlikely to see a miraculous turnaround in junta policy and Aung San Suu Kyi would likely remain prisoner at her Rangoon home.
"The junta does not want to free her yet, as it sees her a serious threat to its rule," said Win Min.
- AFP
September 23, 2007 12:00am
EMBOLDENED after a march to see Burma's detained democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi, Buddhist monks have vowed fresh protests in the biggest challenge to the junta's rule in nearly two decades.
Analysts in Thailand say this was a landmark moment for the protest movement, but suspect the military's low-key reaction aims to take the steam out of the marches.
In an unprecedented move, the army yesterday allowed about 2000 young monks and civilians to pass a roadblock and gather by the lakeside Rangoon house which has been Aung San Suu Kyi's prison for 12 of the past 18 years.
Tears in her eyes, the woman known in Burma as "The Lady" waved at monks as they recited Buddhist prayers, witnesses said, while supporters chanted: "Long life and health for Aung San Suu Kyi, may she have freedom soon".
The 62-year-old has become an internationally recognised symbol of non-violent political change since her National League for Democracy won 1990 elections by a landslide.
The military never recognised the result and tried to silence Aung San Suu Kyi by keeping her under house arrest.
One underground Buddhist group calling itself the All Burma Monks Alliance called for nationwide prayer vigils starting today - the latest peaceful action against the military rulers since an August 15 rise in fuel prices.
The group said clergy would lead a "people's alliance" that would "struggle peacefully against the evil military dictatorship till its complete downfall".
What began as a protest against economic hardship has now swelled, with marches against military rule attracting thousands of monks to the streets of Rangoon and other cities including Mandalay since Tuesday.
The military - which has ruled Burma in some form since 1962 - now faces a quandary, analysts say.
Launching a violent and public crackdown on deeply-revered monks would outrage people in Burma and the international community, but doing nothing at all leaves the military regime vulnerable.
"If they crack down seriously on the monks it means it would also seriously inflame the rest of the population, including members of the military themselves for attacking the sacred and very prestigious institution," said Debbie Stothard, of Thailand-based democracy pressure group Altsean Burma.
"So the military regime is really in a lose-lose situation."
The junta normally does not tolerate the slightest show of public dissent, and authorities during the past month have arrested more than 150 people.
"The junta is well aware that if it cracks down on demonstrations, it will give the United States ammunition to attack Burma at the UN Security Council," said Aung Naing Oo, a Thailand-based Burma analyst.
"The military does not want to see this scenario."
Win Min, a Burmese academic who lectures at Chiang Mai university in Thailand, said that allowing monks to visit Aung San Suu Kyi was a sign that the junta sought a non-violent conclusion to the protests.
"It's clear that the junta is under pressure from China to solve the situation peacefully," he told AFP.
While pleas for democratic reform and the imposition of sanctions by the United States and Europe appear to have little effect on the junta, key allies China and India, which buy Burma's natural gas and other resources, have more clout.
China has previously insisted it would not pressure the junta, but in a rare move this month, Beijing's top diplomatic adviser Tang Jiaxuan gently nudged the junta to adopt democratic changes.
"China sees Burma's junta is the only institution providing stability in the country," said Aung Naing Oo.
"If the junta cracks down on monks, it would break that stability, and China does not want to see that happen."
India has not taken similar steps, and its oil minister today headed to Burma to sign contracts for oil and gas exploration.
Whether the junta's moves yesterday will diffuse tensions or further galvanise monks remains to be seen, with further marches planned today.
But Win Min said that people were unlikely to see a miraculous turnaround in junta policy and Aung San Suu Kyi would likely remain prisoner at her Rangoon home.
"The junta does not want to free her yet, as it sees her a serious threat to its rule," said Win Min.
- AFP
Sunday, September 23, 2007
မိုးကုတ္တြင္ စစ္အာဏာပိုင္မ်ားကို သပိတ္ေမွာက္ ကံေဆာင္
မဇၩိမသတင္းဌာန
စက္တင္ဘာ ၁၉ ရက္၊ ၂ဝဝ၇ ခုႏွစ္
မိုးကုတ္ၿမိဳ့တြင္ စစ္အစိုးရ အာဏာပိုင္မ်ားကို သပိတ္ေမွာက္သည့္ ပတၱနိကုဇၥၩိန ကံေဆာင္မႈကို သံဃာေတာ္ အပါး ၂ဝဝ ေက်ာ္က ယမန္ေန႔မွ စတင္လိုက္သည္။
ၿမိ့ဳနယ္ အာဏာပိုင္မ်ားက ဥပေဒျဖင့္ ၿခိမ္းေျခာက္ တားျမစ္ေသာ္လည္း သံဃာေတာ္ အမ်ားစု၏ ဆႏၵအရ ကံေဆာင္ပြဲ ေအာင္ခ်မ္းသာ ေက်ာင္းတိုက္တြင္ အတည္ ျဖစ္ေျမာက္ သြားခဲ့သည္။
“ေအာင္ခ်မ္းသာ ေက်ာင္းတိုက္ ဆရာေတာ္က ဘယ္လို ေျပာလိုက္လဲ ဆိုေတာ့ သံဃာ ဥက� ဌ ဆရာေတာ္နဲ႔၊ အတြင္းေရးမႉး ဆရာေတာ္ကုိ ဒီကိစၥဟာေပါ့။ အခုကိစၥဟာ တပည့္ေတာ္ တပါးတည္း ဆႏၵနဲ႔ လုပ္တာ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ျမိ့ဳနယ္မွာ ရွိတဲ့ သံဃာေတြ အကုန္လံုး ကံေဆာင္ခ်င္ပါတယ္လို႔ သံဃာထုက ေတာင္းဆိုထားတဲ့ အတြက္ေၾကာင့္ တပည့္ေတာ္က လက္ခံျပီး လုပ္ေပးတာပါ။ အဲဒီေတာ့ အရွင္ဘုရားတို႔က တားတယ္ ဆိုလို႔ရွိရင္ တပည့္ေတာ္ကုိ မတားပါနဲ႔။ တပည့္ေတာ္ တပါးတည္း လုပ္တာမဟုတ္တဲ့ အတြက္ေၾကာင့္ ဒီသံဃာ လူထုနဲ႔ ေျပာပါ ဆိုျပီးေတာ့ ဒီေအာင္ခ်မ္းသာ ေက်ာင္းတုိက္ႀကီးေပၚမွာ သံဃာထုနဲ႔ ဥက� ဌ ဆရာေတာ္ေတြနဲ႔ ေျပာပါတယ္။” ဟု ျဖစ္ရပ္ကို လိုက္လံ ၾကည့္ရႈေနသူ ေဒသခံ တဦးက ေျပာျပသည္။
“ေနာက္ဆံုး ဥက� ဌ ဆရာေတာ္နဲ႔ အတြင္းေရးမႉး ဆရာေတာ္က ေအး ဒါဆို ဟုတ္ျပီ။ ငါတို႔လည္း သေဘာ တူညီပါတယ္ ဆုိျပီး ဆႏၵေပးျပီးေတာ့ ျပန္သြားပါတယ္။ အဲဒီအခါက်မွ သိမ္ထဲဝင္ျပီးေတာ့ ပတၱနိကုဇၥၩိန ကံ ကုိ လုပ္ၾကပါတယ္။” ဟု သူက ဆက္ေျပာသည္။
သံဃာေတာ္မ်ား တရားေတာ္ ရြတ္ဖတ္ကာ ကံေဆာင္မႈ အခမ္းအနား ျပဳလုပ္စဥ္ ရဲမ်ားက ဘုန္းႀကီးေက်ာင္းေရွ့ လမ္းသို႔ လူအမ်ား ျဖတ္သန္းသြားလာမႈ တားျမစ္ခဲ့သည္။ သို႔ေသာ္လည္း ကံေဆာင္ပြဲ သိမ္ဆင္းလာသူမ်ားကို ေလာင္းလႈၾကသူ တေထာင္ခန္႔ ရွိခဲ့သည္။
“အဲဒီလူေတြကို စခန္းမႉးတို႔ ရဲအုပ္တို႔ အဲဒါေတြက လိုက္ျပီးေတာ့ သြားၾက၊ သြားၾကေဟ့။ ဒီမွာ မေနၾကနဲ႔၊ ဒါ ဘုန္းႀကီးေတြ ဘာမွမဟုတ္ဘူး။ ဝတ္တက္ေနတာ ဘာညာ ေျပာျပီးေတာ့ လုိက္ေမာင္း ထုတ္ပါေသးတယ္။ အဲဒီလို လိုက္ေမာင္းထုတ္ေပမဲ့ လူေတြက ဘယ္သူမွ မျပန္ၾကပါဘူး။” ဟု ေဒသခံ တဦးက ေျပာသည္။
ကံေဆာင္မႈ ျပဳၿပီးေနာက္ သံဃာအခ်ဳိ့က ပရိတ္ရြတ္ကာ လမ္းေလ်ာက္ ဆႏၵျပရာ ၿမိ့ဳသူၿမိ့ဳသားမ်ား လက္အုပ္ခ်ီ ကန္ေတာ့ကာ ႀကိဳဆိုခဲ့ၾကသည္။
စက္တင္ဘာ ၁၉ ရက္၊ ၂ဝဝ၇ ခုႏွစ္
မိုးကုတ္ၿမိဳ့တြင္ စစ္အစိုးရ အာဏာပိုင္မ်ားကို သပိတ္ေမွာက္သည့္ ပတၱနိကုဇၥၩိန ကံေဆာင္မႈကို သံဃာေတာ္ အပါး ၂ဝဝ ေက်ာ္က ယမန္ေန႔မွ စတင္လိုက္သည္။
ၿမိ့ဳနယ္ အာဏာပိုင္မ်ားက ဥပေဒျဖင့္ ၿခိမ္းေျခာက္ တားျမစ္ေသာ္လည္း သံဃာေတာ္ အမ်ားစု၏ ဆႏၵအရ ကံေဆာင္ပြဲ ေအာင္ခ်မ္းသာ ေက်ာင္းတိုက္တြင္ အတည္ ျဖစ္ေျမာက္ သြားခဲ့သည္။
“ေအာင္ခ်မ္းသာ ေက်ာင္းတိုက္ ဆရာေတာ္က ဘယ္လို ေျပာလိုက္လဲ ဆိုေတာ့ သံဃာ ဥက� ဌ ဆရာေတာ္နဲ႔၊ အတြင္းေရးမႉး ဆရာေတာ္ကုိ ဒီကိစၥဟာေပါ့။ အခုကိစၥဟာ တပည့္ေတာ္ တပါးတည္း ဆႏၵနဲ႔ လုပ္တာ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ျမိ့ဳနယ္မွာ ရွိတဲ့ သံဃာေတြ အကုန္လံုး ကံေဆာင္ခ်င္ပါတယ္လို႔ သံဃာထုက ေတာင္းဆိုထားတဲ့ အတြက္ေၾကာင့္ တပည့္ေတာ္က လက္ခံျပီး လုပ္ေပးတာပါ။ အဲဒီေတာ့ အရွင္ဘုရားတို႔က တားတယ္ ဆိုလို႔ရွိရင္ တပည့္ေတာ္ကုိ မတားပါနဲ႔။ တပည့္ေတာ္ တပါးတည္း လုပ္တာမဟုတ္တဲ့ အတြက္ေၾကာင့္ ဒီသံဃာ လူထုနဲ႔ ေျပာပါ ဆိုျပီးေတာ့ ဒီေအာင္ခ်မ္းသာ ေက်ာင္းတုိက္ႀကီးေပၚမွာ သံဃာထုနဲ႔ ဥက� ဌ ဆရာေတာ္ေတြနဲ႔ ေျပာပါတယ္။” ဟု ျဖစ္ရပ္ကို လိုက္လံ ၾကည့္ရႈေနသူ ေဒသခံ တဦးက ေျပာျပသည္။
“ေနာက္ဆံုး ဥက� ဌ ဆရာေတာ္နဲ႔ အတြင္းေရးမႉး ဆရာေတာ္က ေအး ဒါဆို ဟုတ္ျပီ။ ငါတို႔လည္း သေဘာ တူညီပါတယ္ ဆုိျပီး ဆႏၵေပးျပီးေတာ့ ျပန္သြားပါတယ္။ အဲဒီအခါက်မွ သိမ္ထဲဝင္ျပီးေတာ့ ပတၱနိကုဇၥၩိန ကံ ကုိ လုပ္ၾကပါတယ္။” ဟု သူက ဆက္ေျပာသည္။
သံဃာေတာ္မ်ား တရားေတာ္ ရြတ္ဖတ္ကာ ကံေဆာင္မႈ အခမ္းအနား ျပဳလုပ္စဥ္ ရဲမ်ားက ဘုန္းႀကီးေက်ာင္းေရွ့ လမ္းသို႔ လူအမ်ား ျဖတ္သန္းသြားလာမႈ တားျမစ္ခဲ့သည္။ သို႔ေသာ္လည္း ကံေဆာင္ပြဲ သိမ္ဆင္းလာသူမ်ားကို ေလာင္းလႈၾကသူ တေထာင္ခန္႔ ရွိခဲ့သည္။
“အဲဒီလူေတြကို စခန္းမႉးတို႔ ရဲအုပ္တို႔ အဲဒါေတြက လိုက္ျပီးေတာ့ သြားၾက၊ သြားၾကေဟ့။ ဒီမွာ မေနၾကနဲ႔၊ ဒါ ဘုန္းႀကီးေတြ ဘာမွမဟုတ္ဘူး။ ဝတ္တက္ေနတာ ဘာညာ ေျပာျပီးေတာ့ လုိက္ေမာင္း ထုတ္ပါေသးတယ္။ အဲဒီလို လိုက္ေမာင္းထုတ္ေပမဲ့ လူေတြက ဘယ္သူမွ မျပန္ၾကပါဘူး။” ဟု ေဒသခံ တဦးက ေျပာသည္။
ကံေဆာင္မႈ ျပဳၿပီးေနာက္ သံဃာအခ်ဳိ့က ပရိတ္ရြတ္ကာ လမ္းေလ်ာက္ ဆႏၵျပရာ ၿမိ့ဳသူၿမိ့ဳသားမ်ား လက္အုပ္ခ်ီ ကန္ေတာ့ကာ ႀကိဳဆိုခဲ့ၾကသည္။
Saturday, September 22, 2007
Monks March to Laureate's Home
In Burma, Strands Of Opposition Unite
Associated Press
Sunday, September 23, 2007
RANGOON, Burma, Sept. 22 -- Hundreds of Buddhist monks marched past barricades to the home of Nobel Peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, increasing pressure on the military government by symbolically uniting their growing protest movement with the icon of Burma's long struggle for democracy.
The two strands of opposition came together in Rangoon after police unexpectedly let more than 500 monks and other protesters through a roadblock.
Suu Kyi has been seen by only a handful of guards, servants and her doctors for more than four years.
Monks have been marching for five days in Rangoon, Burma's largest city, and around the country as a month of protests against economic problems under the junta have ballooned into the biggest grass-roots challenge to its rule in two decades.
The government has been handling the well-respected monks' disciplined but defiant protests gingerly, aware that forcibly breaking them up in the predominantly Buddhist country could cause public outrage.
The monks stopped briefly in front of Suu Kyi's house and prayed before leaving, said witnesses, who spoke on condition of anonymity for fear of being harassed by the authorities.
The part of University Avenue where Suu Kyi's house is located has been closed to traffic since Sept. 17. After the monks passed, the road was closed again.
"Today is extraordinary. We walked past lay disciple Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's house today. We are pleased and glad to see her looking fit and well," a monk said to about 200 people at Sule Pagoda in Rangoon. "Daw" is an honorific title.
"She came out to the gate and paid obeisance to us and later waved at the crowd when we left," said the monk, who did not give his name.
Photos posted on the Web site of Mizzima News, run by exiled Burmese journalists in India, show a crowd gathered outside the gate of Suu Kyi's home, with uniformed security men standing in front of it. Suu Kyi cannot be distinguished, though reports posted on the site and others said she was wearing yellow and broke into tears.
Suu Kyi, 62, has been under detention continuously since May 2003, when a convoy carrying her on a political trip through northern Burma was ambushed by pro-junta thugs. She is the leader of the National League for Democracy party, which won a 1990 general election but was not allowed to take power by the military.
The latest protest movement began Aug. 19 after the government raised fuel prices but is rooted in pent-up dissatisfaction with the repressive military government. Using arrests and intimidation, the government had managed to keep demonstrations limited in size and impact, although they gained new life when the monks joined.
On Saturday, a monks' organization for the first time urged the public to join in protesting "evil military despotism."
"In order to banish the common enemy evil regime from Burmese soil forever, united masses of people need to join hands with the united clergy forces," the All Burma Monks Alliance said in a statement.
Little is known about the group or its membership, but its communiques have spread widely by word of mouth and through opposition media in exile.
Associated Press
Sunday, September 23, 2007
RANGOON, Burma, Sept. 22 -- Hundreds of Buddhist monks marched past barricades to the home of Nobel Peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, increasing pressure on the military government by symbolically uniting their growing protest movement with the icon of Burma's long struggle for democracy.
The two strands of opposition came together in Rangoon after police unexpectedly let more than 500 monks and other protesters through a roadblock.
Suu Kyi has been seen by only a handful of guards, servants and her doctors for more than four years.
Monks have been marching for five days in Rangoon, Burma's largest city, and around the country as a month of protests against economic problems under the junta have ballooned into the biggest grass-roots challenge to its rule in two decades.
The government has been handling the well-respected monks' disciplined but defiant protests gingerly, aware that forcibly breaking them up in the predominantly Buddhist country could cause public outrage.
The monks stopped briefly in front of Suu Kyi's house and prayed before leaving, said witnesses, who spoke on condition of anonymity for fear of being harassed by the authorities.
The part of University Avenue where Suu Kyi's house is located has been closed to traffic since Sept. 17. After the monks passed, the road was closed again.
"Today is extraordinary. We walked past lay disciple Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's house today. We are pleased and glad to see her looking fit and well," a monk said to about 200 people at Sule Pagoda in Rangoon. "Daw" is an honorific title.
"She came out to the gate and paid obeisance to us and later waved at the crowd when we left," said the monk, who did not give his name.
Photos posted on the Web site of Mizzima News, run by exiled Burmese journalists in India, show a crowd gathered outside the gate of Suu Kyi's home, with uniformed security men standing in front of it. Suu Kyi cannot be distinguished, though reports posted on the site and others said she was wearing yellow and broke into tears.
Suu Kyi, 62, has been under detention continuously since May 2003, when a convoy carrying her on a political trip through northern Burma was ambushed by pro-junta thugs. She is the leader of the National League for Democracy party, which won a 1990 general election but was not allowed to take power by the military.
The latest protest movement began Aug. 19 after the government raised fuel prices but is rooted in pent-up dissatisfaction with the repressive military government. Using arrests and intimidation, the government had managed to keep demonstrations limited in size and impact, although they gained new life when the monks joined.
On Saturday, a monks' organization for the first time urged the public to join in protesting "evil military despotism."
"In order to banish the common enemy evil regime from Burmese soil forever, united masses of people need to join hands with the united clergy forces," the All Burma Monks Alliance said in a statement.
Little is known about the group or its membership, but its communiques have spread widely by word of mouth and through opposition media in exile.
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